Bjeorg independence movement
Bjeorgite independence refers to the political movement seeking full sovereignty for the Bjeorg region from the Maximusian Republic. In 1990, around 60% of the island's population supported independence, though this number has fallen significantly, now estimated around 14% (± 1.5%). In 1991, separatist paramilitary groups supported by then-governor Brian Smith staged an unsuccessful armed insurgency across the province, which was suppressed by the Maximusian military, allies, and federalist paramilitaries in Bjeorg. Independence advocates remain active, but have abandoned violent resistance in favor of demonstrations and political advocacy.
History
Background
During the initial Valahandian settling of the Iustitia Colony in the 18th century, the island of Bjeorg island saw considerable immigration from the impoverished, rural Iasgier region. Most of these settlers came to work on large, cash-crop plantations owned by lesser Valahandian nobility, but were attracted to emigrate by the promise of higher wages, the possibility of land ownership, and to escape overcrowding in Liberalia. During the Iustitian War for Independence, the island's denizens overwhelmingly supported, and contributed considerable manpower to, revolutionary forces. Over the following century and a half, Bjeorg enjoyed limited autonomy, first as a mere confederated republic, and later, after 1877, as a province with special privileges.
In the 20th century, the Bjeorgite economy lagged behind much of the nation due to its rural character and isolationism, breeding resentment toward the federal government. The Bjeorg independence movement began in earnest during the Liberal Era in the 1950s, opposing federal emphasis on international trade and prioritization of industrial and post-industrial development over agricultural or extractive industries. During the Great War, Bjeorg was used as a staging ground for the Maximusian navy during the Galinios Sea Campaign, leading to a proliferation of military installations on the island. In the years following the war, the dominant Labor Party sought to centralize the nation and maintained a large federal presence in Bjeorg, further engendering animosity among independence advocates.
Early Movement
By the 1970s, a number of political societies, usually styled as fraternal clubs, gained traction in Bjeorg. These groups went to Litudinem to advocate for decentralization, oppose Labor Party policies, and support for socialist nations abroad. They worked to mobilize the Bjeorgite population, holding rallies and protests, but also engaged in earnest social outreach, opening food-pantries and community events in order to foster Bjeorgite self-sufficiency. These organizations ran the gamut of positions on independence, ranging from mere cultural advocacy to militarized resistance. Of these groups, Aurora Novo Militum (ANM) proved among the fastest growing. Though ANM would go on to ardently advocate for total separation between Bjeorg and the Maximusian Republic, it began as a moderate faction. In a major victory for the independence movement, the Maximusian army fatefully agreed to staff Bjeorgite military installations with local garrisons, somewhat reducing the federal presence on the island. By the mid-1980s, more bellicose groups began stockpiling weapons, which were uniquely accessible due to the proliferation of Great War-era caches, many of which were now guarded by independence sympathizers.
In 1980, Brian Smith won the governorship in a close race against incumbent Conservative Chuck Mitchell, marking a massive political victory for advocates of Bjeorgite independence. Though Smith was not initially a member of any major independence society, upon his victory as an independent candidate, he formed his own political faction, called the Party for Bjeorgite Independence (PBI). Smith's governorship was marked by open hostility to federal authority; he allegedly colluded with Bjeorgite law enforcement to hamper federal investigations into independence groups and harass local federalist politicians. Smith may have used similar intimidation tactics to ensure his victory in the 1985 and subsequent 1990 gubernatorial elections, despite waning support due to his somewhat erratic behavior. The Conservative-controlled federal government was hesitant to clamp down on Smith's antics, fearing diminished support from other rural provinces in Libertas Omnium Maximus. In 1990, Smith held an illegitimate referendum on independence in which roughly 62% of voters supported secession. Because there is no legal basis for secession in the Maximusian Constitution, the federal government treated the referendum as political posturing, though the DIS ramped up surveillance on both Smith and the various disparate independence organizations.
Insurgency
Main Article: 1991 Bjeorg Conflict
Post-Insurgency
Ideologies
Advocates for Bjeorgite independence have historically occupied a broad range of ideological positions, but are unified by their claims of, and advocacy for, a sovereign Bjeorgite nation.
Ethnicity
One of the most contentious issues among separatists is whether or not the movement is ethno-nationally defined. Historically, many groups, including ANM, considered the island of Bjeorg to be a "Iasgier homeland," thereby refusing to acknowledge any distinction between Bjeorgite separatism and Iasgier nationalism. The majority of groups, particularly those still active today, however, emphasize the preservation of Bjeorg's unique cultural identity as the primary impetus for secession. At the beginning of the conflict, many Maximusian officials feared that non-Iasgier Bjeorgite residents would be targeted for extrajudicial violence by more ethnically oriented groups, though most attacks targeted Maximusian federal officials and officers, rather than random civilians. Of the dozen or so major groups involved in the 1991 insurgency, around half excepted members of non-Iasgier extraction.
Secession
While all Bjeorg separatist groups advocate for some form of secession from the Maximusian federation, they vary on the extent of the schism. Most advocate for total separation, wherein Bjeorg becomes its own independent nation, whereas other groups, particularly those formed after the insurgency, merely wish to restore Bjeorg to it's pre-1877 status as a constituent republic of a broader Maximusian confederation. Latter advocates wish to see considerable autonomy restored to the island without relinquishing the security of Maximusian suzerainty. If Bjeorg was made a totally independent nation, it would likely struggle to maintain its own infrastructure and fund vital pension programs without drastically increasing the local tax burden, a fact that has generally bolstered the moderate position on secession.
Economics
Most separatist groups call for a devolved market economy centered around smaller communities in the wake of secession. The movement is notorious for its hostility toward both commercial banking and centralized economic planning, institutions which advocates have labeled "usurious" and "authoritarian," respectively. While virtually all separatist organizations recognize the need for some level of foreign trade, most advocate for minimizing dependence on imports due to the inevitability of unfavorable terms of trade. Although many pro-independence groups demonstrate extreme hostility to neoliberalism and the finance industry, Bjeorgite nationalism is generally considered a right-wing ideology due to its emphasis on tradition, individualism, and historic clash with the Maximusian Labor Party.
Perception
Outside of Bjeorg, the independence movement is generally derided for its violent history and isolationist philosophy, though its image has been somewhat rehabilitated over the decades since the insurgency. Although the independence movement is, and has been, generally hostile to leftism, some leftist groups expressed solidarity with the independence movement in the late 1990s, characterizing separatists as a coalition opposed to international capitalism, neoliberalism, and "Maximusian imperialism." In 2001, Liken Bummers, a Maximusian counter-cultural alternative rock band, released a controversial album entitled "Saint Brian," featuring sleeve art depicting Brian Smith martyred on cross; however, the band's frontman clarified that they only selected Smith because, "in this country in this day and age, nothing could be more punk than siding with Brian." Conversely, some conservative groups have voiced admiration for the movement's emphasis on more traditional living and cultural solidarity, though the catastrophic 1991 insurgency remains a sore subject among Maximusian National Conservatives, given the party's diminished credibility in the wake of perceived mishandling of the crisis.