Laeralian Revolution

Laeralian Revolution
Soldiers of the Rose Army in Laeralsford, 1920
Date October 28, 1918 - March 7, 1921 Location Laeral Result Republican victory
Belligerents
Allied Provinces of Laeral Laeralian Army Chevaliers of the Veil Xianhai Constabulary	Laeralian Republicans Committee for Democracy and Progress Rose Army National Revolutionary Directorate Assorted local militias, including the Xianhai Peasants' Front	Foreign Powers Opthelia High Fells Libertas Omnium Maximus
Commanders and leaders
Prime Minister Augustin Brienne General Hugo Maurice General Isidore Grandjean General Fernand Duval	Field Marshal René Gramont General J.P. Salaun General Hong Kuo-shu General Yang Ching-tsan Chairman Dr. Edmond Yeoh	Prime Minister Frances M. Sulloway General William Cockrell Emperor Robert III President Richard Dalton General William Montgomery Hughes
Strength
100,000-150,000 (1920)	130,000-180,000 (1920)	4,500 3,800 2,000
Casualties and losses
~21,000 killed, ~43,000 wounded, ~5,000 missing	~12,000 killed, ~27,000 wounded, ~4,000 missing	31 killed, 53 wounded 47 killed, 59 wounded
An estimated 115,000 Laeralian civilians were killed during or as a result of the conflict

The Laeralian Revolution (Fr: Révolution Laeralien) was an armed conflict in Laeral between 1918 and 1921 between revolutionary Republican forces, led by René Gramont and the Committee for Democracy and Progress, and Loyalist forces of the Allied Provinces of Laeral. The war resulted in a Republican victory, leading to the establishment of the socialist Republic of Laeral regime in 1922 and the subsequent Rose Revolution reforms.

Triggered in the long term by racial and economic inequality in Laeral and the failures of the First Allied Provinces of Laeral to address economic and agrarian grievances, the conflict began due to the aftermath of the devastating First Fellsian War and the government's refusal to provide economically for veterans of that conflict. Beginning as an urban uprising, many of whose participants were Fellsian War veterans, the revolutionary Republican forces soon included the socialist Rose Army under René Gramont and the Committee for Democracy and Progress, as well as various other revolutionary groups. They faced off against Loyalist government troops supporting the Laeralsford government of Prime Minister Augustin Brienne. The conflict saw wide-scale devastation of the Riverlands region where the greatest amount of conventional fighting took place, as well as guerrilla conflict in western Laeral and the Xianhai Peninsula. The conflict also saw limited foreign intervention by Opthelia and High Fells, which seized strategic portions of Laeralian territory before withdrawing in 1921. The Laeralian Revolution was pivotal in Laeralian history by ushering in the Republic of Laeral and its ensuing social and political consequences in Laeralian and world history.

Causes

In the long term, the Laeralian Revolution was propelled by the corruption and inefficiency of the Vespasienate and the system of social and racial stratification it had put in place. From 1890 to 1909, the First Allied Provinces of Laeral's government was dominated by Prime Minister Vespasien Jamet, an autocrat whose tenure in office (the "Vespasienate") saw a strengthened federal government and Laeralian westward expansion, as well as substantial enrichment for the plantation-owning class which principally backed Jamet's grip on power. The policies of racial segregation, including the expulsion of millions of Rén peasants in the Riverlands from their homes to designated "reserve territories", had resulted in persistent poverty and social exclusion for Laeral's Rén population. Meanwhile, the civil service and the educated middle-class were increasingly dissatisfied with restrictions on political expression; this dissent was formalized with the formation of the 6th of May Society in 1910, which would later become the liberal revolutionary group known as the National Revolutionary Directorate. The creation of the Committee for Democracy and Progress, which brought together left-wing military officers in criticism of the regime, resulted from both economic and political grievances during and after the Laeralian Revolution.

Historiography

René Gramont, a central figure in the Laeralian Revolution.

The causes of the Laeralian Revolution is among the most heavily-debated subjects in Laeralian historiography. During the Republican Era, a leading school of thought adopted traditional great-man theories, and centered on the growth of ideological radicalism among the First Fellsian War officer corps, as seen by leading officers such as René Gramont and J.P. Salaun's affiliation with the Committee for Democracy and Progress, as well as the relative weakness of Vespasien Jamet's successor as Prime Minister, Augustin Brienne. In this school of thought, poor decisions by Brienne's government coupled with the decisiveness of the Committee for Democracy and Progress and the charisma of its members (notably René Gramont) produced optimal conditions for the revolution's success.

This school of thought faced off against the orthodox Gramontist perspective on the Revolution, which emphasized the failings of the First Allied Provinces to provide for citizens and the consequent widespread outrage and dissatisfaction with government corruption and economic conditions, which led to a spontaneous popular uprising guided by René Gramont and the Committee for the Democracy and Progress. Another ideological explanation for the Revolution was communist historiography, which sought to bring the Gramontist narrative into harmony with communist theories of class struggle to portray the Revolution as a working-class uprising in accordance with communist theory. Accordingly, the Republic of Laeral was understood to represent a transitional regime on the road to communism.

For much of the 20th century, depictions of the Revolution emphasized it as primarily a struggle of the urban working class, as seen in this 1951 poster depicting the uprising in Hanshui in 1919.

From the 1960s onwards, these traditional interpretations have both been challenged. Greater focus on race in Laeralian history and society emerged as a political current in the 1960s and 70s as racial unrest challenged the Gramontist ideal of race-blindness, which had viewed race as a dividing factor to be minimized in the construction of Laeralianness. The notion of "one country, two nations," or in other words Laeral as a biracial society, emerged following the Great War as a portion of the Juexing Movement, a wider struggle for racial justice. Academics molded by the Juexing Movement criticized earlier interpretations of the Revolution as overly class-centric, and instead emphasized the Laeralian Revolution as a backlash to racial discrimination under the First Allied Provinces. For these historians, the roots of the Laeralian Revolution were to be found in the emergence of Rén identity groups such as the Rén Self-Defense League during the First Great Migration, the Jingtu Movement, and the revival of Minjian (including the reestablishment of the Minjian High Conclave) immediately prior to the war.

Other schools of thought during the late 20th and 21st centuries have sought to highlight other factors in the Revolution. The role of gynarchism and the women's movement has come into greater focus through the work of scholars such as Hiranur Aksoy, while peasants' economic woes as a result of poor weather conditions, the First Fellsian War, and environmental degradation resulting from poor land use in the Western Riverlands has been highlighted as a principal cause of peasants' eagerness to embrace the Revolution, notably in Noël Lavoie-Zhao and Li Cunrong's scholarship. Another, more fringe, historical explanation has centered on a supposed Laeralian collective psychological desire for strongmen during the early 20th century, which, per, Jean-Louis Kuster in the 1995 book The Authoritarian Mindset: Culture and Leadership in Laeral, 1854-1954, explains the success of Vespasien Jamet, while the weakness of Augustin Brienne as prime minister left Laeralites particularly eager to embrace strongman René Gramont and explains the authoritarianism of the Republic of Laeral.

One influential work, 2014's The Laeralian Revolutions: A New History, used regionalism as a lens to explore the Laeralian Revolution, arguing that the revolution took on profoundly different forms in Eastern Laeral, Western Laeral, and the Xianhai Peninsula, as the methods and motivations of the revolutionary movement differed completely based on differences in regional development. It is likely that scholarship on the Revolution will continue to add and develop interpretations of the conflict's causes.

Revolution

First Phase (October 1918-July 1919)

Augustin Brienne, Prime Minister of Laeral, in a 1916 portrait.

Following the First Fellsian War, Laeral's economy struggled to recover as many veterans found themselves unemployed. Prime Minister Augustin Brienne, the successor to longtime strongman Vespasien Jamet as leader of Laeral, found it difficult to maintain the coalition of wealthy landowners, urban commercial leaders, and local elites which had formed the bedrock of the Vespasienate, and had faced a competitive election in 1917, where dissident Jamet regime insiders had launched an electoral challenge which was only narrowly beaten back. Meanwhile, a financial crisis and poor harvest led to rapidly rising prices, causing misery for urban and rural Laeralites alike. When labor unrest began in Gaolan, the capital of heavily-populated Neidong province, Brienne deployed the army to put down the strike and riots. At the riot's head was First Fellsian War hero and veteran's association head René Gramont, who met with the soldiers' commanding officer and convinced him to disobey his orders to use force. When Brienne ordered Gramont and other opposition figures arrested, many soldiers rallied to Gramont's banner, triggering the start of the Laeralian Revolution in earnest.

Although Gramont no longer held military rank, other officers in the Laeralian military, notably J.P. Salaun, deferred to him in joining the nationwide uprising demanding food, the return of veteran's pensions, and land reform. Leaders of the growing uprising, including those who would later be known as the Gang of Five, assembled in the city of Renfeng, where they declared themselves the Committee for Democracy and Progress and issued a list of policy proposals, the Renfeng Platform. These included a return to republican governance, food for all, and land redistribution. Supporters were instructed to seize arms and remove appointed government officials from office before electing representatives to the Committee for Democracy and Progress.

Demonstrators take to the streets at the beginning of the Laeralian Revolution, as depicted in the Revolution Memorial in Laeralsford

This Renfeng Convention occurred in parallel to political organizing in Laeralsford, the national capital, where in the outlying town of Brévonnes, elements of the liberal opposition 6th of May Society under firebrand Dr. Edmond Yeoh assembled to plan a national uprising aimed at forcing Brienne to resign and call fresh elections. The 6th of May Society had been under surveillance by regime agents for years; upon the outbreak of violence in Gaolan, the Society's leaders had been arrested en masse, with Yeoh narrowly escaping after being tipped off.

Following the issuing of the Renfeng Platform and the 6th of May Society's declaration of uprising, soldiers mutinied, union workers seized control of their workplaces, and sharecroppers took revenge on wealthy landowners. In western Laeral, the conflict immediately took on a racialized nature as Rén nationalists, Minjian hardliners, and countless disenfranchised peasants seized control of their lands in a series of scattered uprisings, largely inspired by their divergent understandings of the Renfeng Platform. In eastern Laeral, labor unions formed the backbone of the urban uprisings, in some places joined by mutinous soldiers, and largely recognized Gramont and the Committee for Democracy and Progress as their leaders. Others in eastern Laeral, particularly in the cities, took direction from the 6th of May Society, whose revolutionary element under Dr. Edmond Yeoh declared itself the National Revolutionary Directorate.

The situation in the cities was chaotic, as soldiers fired upon and forcibly dispersed demonstrations in Laeralsford and other areas where local officials and governors held kinship or patronage ties to Brienne, such as in the nation's northeast. Revolutionary sentiment was also comparatively weaker in the Catholic Belt of Therese, Sarene, and Sendrasi, where uprisings were easily put down. Conversely, the MENNJ provinces in the Riverlands, where state-backed land theft and subsequent poverty under the Vespasienate had embittered the provinces' Rén majority, had been hotbeds of agitation and quickly deposed the authorities, falling in line with Gramont and the Committee for Democracy and Progress. Laeral's eastern seaboard was the center of the Revolutionary Directorate's activities, where rebels in Althea bearing allegiance to the Directorate took control of the city briefly before being put down by government troops.

Conscripts to the Loyalist Army are assembled in Laeralsford, 1919.

As news of the fighting reached the territories of western Laeral, a wide array of local rebel movements mobilized and clashed with government troops. These movements were largely nonideological, mobilized by local grievances such as land theft, and at some times scarcely indistinguishable from banditry. Some rebel bands, such as that led by Chang Shuo-bin "the Cripple," aimed to restore the Zhao Kingdom, while others adhered to the CDP and the promises of the Renfeng Platform. Chief among these was Hong Kuo-shu and his brothers.

Battle lines stabilized over the winter of 1918, while the Committee for Democracy and Progress declared the formation of the Rose Army and its auxiliary Rose Banner Brigades to unify rebel forces under the CDP's leadership. In April, Loyalist forces' routed the Rose Army's Southern Front under General Yang Ching-tsan at the Battle of Bertignolles in Harcour and, under General Hugo Maurice, mounted a counter-offensive directed at Gaolan and the central Riverlands. This threat led the Committee for Democracy and Progress to evacuate to Songshan as the wartime capital.

The end of the first phase of the Laeralian Revolution is widely accepted as the Battle of Prades, a pitched battle in Neidong province where ragtag forces of the Rose Army under René Gramont repelled Maurice's forces and briefly turned back the offensive. With this battle and its propaganda value for the Republican cause, it became clear that the war was certain to be protracted.

Second Phase (July 1919-December 1920)

The second phase of the war saw the mobilization of the largest forces and pitched field battles in central and eastern Laeral. Outnumbered and possessing shortages of aircraft and artillery compared to the Laeralsford government's forces, the Rose Army traded space for time, gradually falling back westward and northward in order to rearm and draw out the Loyalist supply lines. Although repeatedly forced to give ground before Loyalist forces' advance, the Rose Army remained intact and continued to build its numbers. By winter of 1919, the strategy was showing signs of success as the Rose Army professionalized.

René Gramont in a press photograph during a break from negotiations on the Republican Pact, 1919.

At the same time, on the diplomatic front, Republican forces became increasingly unified. Most notably, Edmond Yeoh and the National Revolutionary Directorate met with René Gramont and the Committee for Democracy and Progress in Fays-la-Chapelle, Carellon, where the two sides agreed to the Republican Pact, an alliance between the two parties. Although vague on some factors, such as the extent of land redistribution and the fate of private industry post-revolution, the Pact firmly called for the drafting of a new constitution which would safeguard individual liberties and carry out free elections.

As uniformed government forces were pushed out of territorial western Laeral, the conflict there saw the fiercest instances of violence against civilians and the most frequent flouting of the laws of war. Skirmishes between rival rebel forces saw Hong Kuo-shu, newly named as Western Front commander by the Committee for Democracy and Progress, lead his Rose Army forces against Zhao nationalists and against Arrivée settlers. After the collapse of the Laeralsford government's authority in Western Laeral, Arrivée settlers there largely turned to the Arrivée-supremacist militia group the Chevaliers of the Veil to organize resistance to the revolution.

1919 also saw the emergence of fighting in the Xianhai Peninsula. The de facto leader of Arquien and Bethune provinces, Léon Charrier, was a political chameleon of only nominal loyalty to Laeralsford, who had struck up an uneasy alliance with the communist Xianhai Peasants' Front. After a secret meeting between Charrier and Edmond Yeoh became public, fears that Charrier would declare his allegiance to the National Revolutionary Directorate led to an attempt to seize power by the Xianhai Constabulary, the feared police force widely seen as under the thumb of Xianhai's powerful landowner class. The Constabulary's withdrawal from the countryside to march on Lyrene, Charrier's stronghold, led to a general uprising by the Xianhai Peasants' Front, a quasi-socialist agrarian revolutionary organization.

A common scene during the Revolution in Western Laeral, as suspected Zhao guerrillas are held prisoner by Hong Kuo-shu's Rose Army soldiers.

By early 1920, Loyalist forces under General Isidore Grandjean were continuing to advance northwards towards the CDP capital of Songshan, yet faced stubborn resistance from the Rose Army's Northern Front under J.P. Salaun, particularly in the barren hill country of northern Neidong. The Committee for Democracy and Progress had already fled westward to Lushui. Meanwhile, General Hugo Maurice led the Loyalists' Third Army forces westward through the Riverlands, facing off against Marshal René Gramont's Central Front of the Rose Army. The city of Shiyan, the last major town on the road to Hanshui, was the sight of such intense fighting in March that the city earned the sobriquet of the "Martyr City of the Revolution."

In these advances, Loyalist forces often pillaged villages as they went, both to vent their fury at rebel forces and to alleviate supply shortages aggravated by attacks from Republican guerrillas. Predictably, this alienated inhabitants of these communities, who often took up arms against Loyalist forces.

In May 1920, soldiers in Laeralsford loyal to Vespasien Jamet's nephew Saturnin attempted to stage a coup against Prime Minister Brienne. Although unsuccessful, the abortive attempt prompted Prime Minister Brienne to dismiss Hugo Maurice from his position commanding the Third Army for suspected disloyalty and replaced him with the elderly Fernand Duval, a less capable commander.

Fellsian troops man a barricade in Rilos as curious residents look on.

Foreign Intervention

By summer 1920, the obvious weakness of the Laeralsford government and the domestic chaos in Laeral led foreign governments to eye opportunities for territorial gain. In June, High Fellsian forces advanced beyond the treaty boundaries from the 1916 armistice agreement to seize Rilos, a city frequently disputed between Laeral and High Fells. Meeting little resistance, Queensgrace claimed that this maneuver would safeguard Fellsian commercial interests. In a coordinated, subsequent action, Opthelian landed colonial troops from Haesan to seize the Strait of Aumont, the strategically-vital entrance allowing passage to Lake Xueyan and the High Fellsian port of Montgeron. 105 Laeralites were killed when Opthelian warships shelled the city of St. Clair, provoking outrage. Republican propagandists insisted that Prime Minister Brienne's government was complicit in these attacks, which was later proven untrue. This was widely believed and contributed greatly to the Laeralsford government's sinking popularity, as the Committee for Democracy and Progress appealed to nationalist sentiment and portrayed itself as the true defender of Laeral's territorial integrity.

Changyu Offensive

Under Gramont's direction, the Rose Army had concentrated its forces in the Riverlands with the aim of striking a decisive blow against the Loyalist forces. Bringing together the mass of the Rose Army's artillery and assembling forces from the Revolutionary Directorate and the Rose Army's Southern Front, the Rose Army launched a major attack on the Minjian Luminary Changyu's feast day—August 29, 1920—north of Shiyan near the town of Tengzhou. Showing unexpected determination, Loyalist forces charged Rose Army artillery positions on the heights three times, each time narrowly repulsed, while Rose Army cadres similarly repelled Loyalist counterattacks by fortifying the farm buildings at the center of Tengzhou. As Loyalist forces fell back, the Republicans pressed the advantage—the Rose Army, aided by Zhao cavalry, pursued and harried the retreating forces.

Rose Army forces prepare to board a train during the Changyu Offensive, 1920. Note the Minjian blessing cloths (white armbands).

Overextended, low on supplies, and facing a concentrated Republican force, General Duval's Third Army fell apart in the face of the Rose Army's Changyu Offensive. During the month of September, Republicans rapidly pushed the Loyalists from the gates of Hanshui into Neidong, retaking Gaolan, where the revolution had begun, with little resistance on September 21st. The collapse of the Third Army forced Loyalist forces attacking Lushui in the north to retreat towards Laeralsford, with General Salaun's Northern Front in hot pursuit. With this change in fortunes, many Loyalist forces deserted or joined the Republican ranks; this was the case in Avrainville, in Harcour, where Chief Minister and longtime political boss Rigobert Laroche brought over himself and his followers to the Republican side in October. Another coup plot in Laeralsford, this one led by powerful industrial baron and army quartermaster-general Jean-Gatien Lefont, was discovered and rounded up by Brienne's secret police, but this did nothing to quiet the disunity in the Loyalist ranks.

Advancing at the head of the Rose Army's Central and Northern Fronts, Gramont and Salaun linked up their forces in Neidong in November and began the final drive on Laeralsford. Seeing the writing on the wall, the Loyalist enclaves along the Xueyan coast in Carellon, Meridoc, and Choisel declared that they would not resist Rose Army forces and pledged their cooperation in turning back the Fellsian incursion into Rilos. With Republican forces approaching, Prime Minister Brienne fled Laeralsford to Aumont in hopes of receiving sanctuary from the Opthelians, and was captured and executed by Aumont's local strongman, Lucien Soulier, who hoped to curry favor with the Republicans. Laeralsford fell with little resistance on November 18th, 1920, as Rose Army forces paraded into the city.

By winter of 1920, Hong Kuo-shu had ably quelled resistance in the West, bringing agrarian rebels and Zhao nationalists under the Rose Army's banner or destroying them and defeating the Chevaliers of the Veil. The devoutly Catholic and conservative areas of the Beuvron River valley remained fiercely opposed to the Republicans, but resistance was clearly softening in the coastal south and in Althea, where Edmond Yeoh brokered an agreement with local warlords (the "Loiraine Clique") to turn over the city to the Republicans.

In Xianhai, power broker Léon Charrier had largely put down the Xianhai Constabulary's conservative coup attempt and settled an alliance with the socialist and anarchist Xianhai Peasants' Front, although the relationship was strained as Charrier used every ounce of his influence to minimize the Peasants' Front's reprisals against landowners. In August 1920, Libertas Omnium Maximus had sent an expeditionary force of 2,000 regulars northward across the border to seize a forty-kilometer buffer zone in Bethune, with the stated casus belli being marauding bandits and rebellious peasants fleeing across the border and preying on Maximusian border towns. In fact, this was an attempt to seize the entirety of the Xianhai oil fields, at the time scarcely exploited and divided roughly evenly between the two nations following the War of the Seven Provinces. All parties in Xianhai's burgeoning civil war were unable to contest this incursion, apart from local guerrillas who harassed the Maximusian expeditionary force's supply lines.

Guerrilla fighters in rural Bethune.

The winter also provided time for the Committee for Democracy and Progress to negotiate for the withdrawal of foreign troops. Fortuitously for the Republicans, the Haesanese independence movement was severely stretching Opthelian resources, and Opthelian leaders proved ready to withdraw their troops from their misadventure in the Straits of Xueyan to instead aid in the quixotic task of preserving Opthelian colonial rule in Haesan. With the Opthelian withdrawal in December, the Fellsians found their occupation of Rilos difficult to justify as international pressure mounted; following negotiations with J.P. Salaun, the Fellsians withdrew in January.

End of Hostilities (January-March 1921)

With the fall of Laeralsford and the death of Prime Minister Brienne, it became apparent that the Republicans were on the verge of victory in continental Laeral, although the Xianhai Peninsula remained an open question. On his New Year's Day public address in Laeralsford, René Gramont—as Chairman of the Committee for Democracy and Progress and commander-in-chief of the Rose Army—set forth three principles for the conclusion of the war: firstly, that every centimeter of Laeral's prewar territory would be restored, with all foreign incursions turned back; secondly, that the promises of the Renfeng Platform and the Republican Pact would be carried out in full; thirdly, that there would be no acts of reprisal against those who had fought for the Laeralsford government.

Remaining campaigns in continental Laeral saw only limited resistance. Loyalists in northeastern Laeral surrendered to J.P. Salaun's Northern Front forces after a brief campaign, while the surrender of the Loiraine Clique in December had disheartened resistance in the Albarine seaboard, particularly as the remaining Loyalists there were willing to surrender to Revolutionary Directorate forces over those of the Rose Army. Sporadic guerrilla fighting in western Laeral was put down by forcefully by Hong Kuo-shu's forces, while invitations to sit as delegates in the Committee for Democracy and Progress to local notables successfully won over local Arrivée and Zhao nationalist elites. The last major fighting of the Revolution in the Laeralian mainland took place in the Beuvron River valley, which ended when Rose Army forces triumphantly advanced through Jinyu on February 14th.

Instability continued in the Xianhai Peninsula, where Léon Charrier and the mainline of the Xianhai Peasants' Front controlled only the area around Lyrene, with the broader countryside controlled by various guerrilla bands, including remnants of the Xianhai Constabulary. Meanwhile, Maximusian forces continued to occupy a strip of territory 40 kilometers north of the border. Following Gramont's 1921 New Year's speech, Charrier positioned himself as a trustworthy ally of the new regime, and in February Republican troops began to arrive by boat in Lyrene and traveled southward, establishing a front line facing off against the Maximusians.

Simultaneously, the Republicans opened negotiations with the Maximusian government to avoid a war which neither side wanted; in Litudinem, the new administration of President Walter Halifax had replaced that of Richard Dalton, who had ordered the incursion the previous year, and Halifax's government was eager to disengage from a conflict it saw as an expensive sideshow. With Sun Jia-wei as the chief Laeralian negotiator, the Perra Declaration was signed on March 7th, 1921, in which Libertas Omnium Maximus agreed to withdraw its troops in exchange for Laeral placing a monitoring force on the border to prevent further guerrilla incursions into Maximusian territory. With the signing of the face-saving agreement and the subsequent withdrawal of Maximusian forces, victory was declared for the Republican cause.

Aftermath

With the war finished, the Committee for Democracy and Progress declared itself the government of Laeral and began preparations for the drafting of the constitution for the new Republic of Laeral, which would be proclaimed the following year. Over the course of 1921, political maneuvering by Gramont and his associates ensured the subordination of the National Revolutionary Directorate within the new Social Democratic Party, which counted all members of the Committee for Democracy and Progress as members. The new SDP contained a wide variety of political traditions, including liberals, reformed Zhao nationalists, and agrarian revolutionaries alongside the urban socialists which formed the core of the party under Gramont. Over the coming years, these other political currents within the SDP would be suppressed or subordinated.

The Laeralian Revolution resulted in the founding of the Republic of Laeral, a socialist, Gramontist regime which lasted from 1922 to 1954. The subsequent Rose Revolution reforms, including women's and Rén emancipation, the creation of stronger federal institutions, infrastructure development, secularism, and land reform, were carried out primarily during the 1920s and 30s. Some of these reforms had been preordained in the Renfeng Platform, while others, such as the secularism reforms of the 1930s, had not.

Reprisals against loyalists took place, but were limited in number and typically not condoned by Republican leadership. The Shougouang Massacre, where the village of Shougouang in Jianguo was torched and its inhabitants executed, is only the most well-known of the attacks against civilians carried out by Hong Kuo-shu's Rose Army forces in the west during and after the revolution. Wealthy landowners were the most frequent target of reprisals, typically lynchings carried out by sharecroppers and tenant farmers who had been personally impacted by their abuses. A 2005 study concluded that an estimated 6,000 landowners and their families were killed in reprisal attacks by revolutionary-aligned forces from 1920 to 1922. In western Laeral, racial violence which took place during the war led an estimated 30,000 Arrivée settlers to migrate eastward, most setting in the Beuvron River valley.

Although the CDP instituted amnesty for rank-and-file soldiers who had fought for the Loyalists, Loyalist leaders were largely removed from office and subject to house arrest pending trial. Regional tribunals headquartered in Hanshui, Laeralsford, Lyrene, and Mermont oversaw trials of military commanders and political figures accused of particular cruelty against civilians, ultimately sentencing 46 to death. Many Loyalist generals and political leaders, however, were able to reinvent themselves as military officers and administrators under the Republic, although the ban on former Loyalist supporters from running for office was not lifted until 1934.

Laeral's economy and society had been devastated by the war, which had left over 100,000 civilians dead and numerous villages razed, particularly in the Riverlands, site of the most intense fighting, and in Western Laeral and Xianhai, during the guerrilla warfare there. Rebuilding from this devastation was a central focus of the 1920s. Rural areas saw the most immediate social and economic change, as land reform was among the first priorities of the SDP regime—large landholders saw their holdings distributed to sharecroppers, with the exception of a few landholders with ties to the new regime.

Legacy

Many historians consider the Laeralian Revolution the defining episode in modern Laeralian history. By ushering in the Republican regime, the Laeralian Revolution significantly altered the social, political, and economic trajectory of Laeral. It is commemorated extensively in Laeralian public life through annual memorials and through public statuary in Laeralian cities and towns, and is a major subject of Laeralian history education at all levels.