[Democratic Republic Of Eiria]

Bullets of Democracy: How the Eirian Green Party Lost its Pacifism
By Anija Ravanel, Senator (Green - Jurmala 9)

The history of the National Party of Greens in Eiria is not simple by any measure. Born from the dreams of leftist political philosophers and farm workers alike, the green movement began in the early twentieth century, after our nation endured both political chaos and an awful invasion by Xiomera. The early ideals of our party were lofty, but clear: to design a future where we do not rely on possessions to bring us joy, where we are able to sustain our natural environments and ourselves at the same time, and where a peaceful world is not just possible, but real. Today, the Greens are a large force in Eirian politics, but with a more environmental focus. The NPG is now far away from its peaceful origins. But why?

The early incarnations of the green movement only had the power to influence local governments and the Senates of a few provinces. Outside of the governing coalitions of Serenity and Murdarb Provinces, our movement was widely seen as the shouting of a few activists on the outside of “normal” politics. It did take a few decades, but the seeds sown by the early green politicians bore fruit during and after the Great War. The reality of the second Xiomeran invasion inspired many on the left to dream of a world without war. From that, for the first time, large numbers of local Green candidates had the opportunity to win in national Senate races. Thus, a national Green electoral group was born, titled (rather obviously) the National Party of Greens.

Through the late twentieth century, the NPG used their increasing presence to gain power, particularly with the confidence-and-supply agreements with Rišard in 1970, Mēnjon in 1978, and a spot in the Blajeviča Coalition from 1990-1994. Their pacifistic and environmentally-focused beliefs attracted Progressive and Social Democratic voters who had grown angry with post-war economic reconstruction efforts that involved the exploitation of Eiria’s natural resources. As such, without the Great War, the NPG likely would not have gained national power.

But it was yet another war that started the change in the party’s platform to what we see today. After the political chaos of the Rēvs administration allowed Darrin to take power, the NPG saw itself slowly being pushed out of politics and political spaces by the ruling regime. This caused many activists in the party, who saw the fist of oppression grasping the nation, to rethink their pacifism and join resistance groups. After the war, this resulted in a divide within the Green movement between the “Dark Greens” (those who now believed that some wars are necessary to protect democracy) and the “Light Greens” (who hated the concept of a necessary war).

While the Dark Greens held the large majority of the seats and political power within the NPG immediately after the war, the Light Greens still held onto a small amount of seats for a few elections (despite losing some of their candidates to defections to the Progressives and Socialists). The thing that truly killed the idea of Green Pacifism in Eiria was the Second Xiomeran Civil War. With the rest of the governing coalition jumping at the opportunity to bring democracy to part of the Huenyan subcontinent, the party leadership was quick to declare their support of the military intervention. This act isolated the few remaining pacifists in the party, who either retired (as in the case of Senator Aleksa Relan), defected to the Progressives, or ran under the name of a small local party (Such as non-inscrit Senator Kleman Saliā).

Regardless if you believe that war can be necessary to protect democracy or not, the National Party of Greens saw the very kind of wars that created it change its key values to fit a “new reality.” The party’s platform is now primarily about recreating the Eirian economy in a way that saves our world, which is in line with the original dream behind Green thought. But the idea of a peaceful world has left the minds of many, including our own Green Chancellor. I hope that, in the end, we are right about war being inevitable for peace. Otherwise, we will pay for those democratic bullets and every life they took.


Lōdesei dei Demokratēja: Kō lei Partij Velts dei Eiria Perdasva sal Mērtēcēta
Paur Anija Ravanel, Senatē (Veltē, Jurmala 9)

Lei vestu deile Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei danz Eiria nē es vienkar, nē svara lei merē. Piedzasva deiles revētasei deiles dōmēsei politikcasei dei krōš ut darbēsei dei fermētasei lei paš, lei kenēta velts kōmzasva dans lei sēek duvdenēaš, apre mas nācōn izturasva lei duvs dei hīos politikca ut un anvajacōn šausmi paur Šiōmera. Leis tecētasei akrij dei mas partij nanasaoj auks, bet klirs: Dēzīnat un nakōta kur nē karikam leis amētasei mōs det prēa, kur poivam sutenit mas venirōdesei dabanesei ut mus arvec lei paš mās, ut kur un pasa mērca nē es seul poivaca, bet rēl. Cis dier, leis Veltēsei arana un spek krad danz lei politikei de Eiria, bet konzentrana prablemei venirōdeca plu. Lei PNV es talu dei sal race mērtēca. Bet kāois?

Leis renkarnētasei akrijei deile kenēta velts seul amanasa lei poiv jatekmet parvalētasei lōkusei ut leis Senatei dei daše prōvinzei. Dehara deiles kōalicōnei ku parvalanasa deiles prōvinzei dei Serenety ut Murdarb, dauz dei persei tēcanasa ku mas kenēta nanasa daše aktēsei ku stendanasa dei dehara dei lei politik nōrmal. Nōkanasa daše denadsei, bet leis seklasei ku leis politikē veltsei akrijei danasa līka ut apre Lei Karšēta Krad. Lei situacōn rēl deile duvaš anvajacōn paur Šiōmera inespanasa dauz deile krōš revet un pasa nevec karšēta. Dei cas, kō un lēta naus, dauz krol dei kandēsei veltsei lōkusei amanasa lei espeja uzvat danz leis kandētasei paur Senat nācōnals. Dei cis, un grupa nācōnals dei veltēsei piedzasva, ut toi zauna (treis klirsma) lei Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei.

Vizā deile sēek duvdenēaš tār, lei PNV izasva sal endua danz lei politik ku paplašasvaoj tak poivana uzvat spek, partikalame avec leis apsōlētasei dei atbalit avec Rišard danz 1970, Mēnjon danz 1978, ut un endua danz lei Kōalicōn dei Blajeviča dei 1990 as 1994. Leis balēsei Devacasei ut Demokratēcasei Sōcialsei ku aranaoj faša an leis ešētasei dei renkarnat lei ekonomē apre lei karšēta ku incluasvaoj lei izmanēča deiles resursei dabanesei dei Eiria patanasa leis tēcētasei mērtēca dei NPV ku konzentranasa lei venirōde. Ut tak, neves Lei Karšēta Krad, lei PNV prōbema nē han usvasva spek nācōnals.

Bet cas kuj kōmzasva mānit leis tecētasei dei PNV as ku redam cis dier arana un zitu karšēta. Apre lei hīos politikca dei adminiztēta Rēvs atlaujasva Darrin reklet spek, lei rejem ku vadasva fōrzasva lei PNV dehara dei politik ut leis enduasei politikcasei. Cas kausasva dauz aktēsei dans lei partij, ku redanasa lei dure dei uprimēča turasvaoj lei nācōn, dōmat atkal dei seres mērtēcēta ut pevinat leis grupasei dei resistēča. Apre lei karšēta, cas kreasva un divisōn danz lei kenēta veltca antra leis “veltēsei zōmbei” (kē nag tēcana ku nejam daše karšētasei proteget demokratēja) ut leis “veltēsei lieklei” (kē ienisana lei dōmēta ku nejam karšēta).

Pendar leis veltēsei zōmbei amanasa lei magōrte deiles rakstamsei ut deile piov politikca danza deile PNV imedima apre lei karšēta, leis veltēsei lieklei joprō turanasa daše maz dei rakstamsei pōr daše elērēčasei (Serre depit perdanasa kandēsei ku defektanasa at leis Devacēsei ut Demokratēsei Sōcialei). Tal ku tuasva lei ideja dei mērtēcēta velts danz Eira nasva lei Duvaš Karšēta Civikca dei Šiōmera. Arvec tut dei auts danz lei kōalicōn ku parvalasva kenasva atrijma kā lei espeja atnet as dalja dei lei sukōntinen Nōrduenjaca, leis vadēsei dei partij anoncanasa atrijma seres atbalēta deile intervenēča militārca. Cis aktēta ēasva talu dei leis mērtēcēsei ku palikanasa danz lei partij, kē vaja partanasa dei politik (kō danz lei endua dei Senatē Aleksa Relan), defektanasa at leis Devacēsei, vī kandanasa arvec lei noms dei un partij maz lōku ((kō danz lei endua dei Senatē Kleman Saliā).

Nē svara sē tēcis ku nejam karšēta pōr proteget demokratēja vī nen, lei Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei redasva ku lei paš karšēta ku toi kreasva mānasva sal tecētasei lielasei pōr iderat un “rēlēta naus.” Lei base dei partij nag konzentra renkarnat lei ēkonomē dei Eiria danz pōr sōvet mas pasa, ku idera lei revēta veks vaša dōmētasei veltēsasei. Bet lei ideja dei un pasa mērtēca partasva leis galvasei dei dauz persei, inclua mas Čanceliōr velts. Eserem ku, paur lei jason, aram justi tēcet ku tujes sana nejam karšēta pōr mēr. Sē nē, sana maksam pōr casei lōdesei demokratējaca ut kate dvivēta ku jasonanasa.

[Democratic Republic Of Eiria]

Eirian Migration to Eldid

The close relationship between Eldid and Eiria traces its origins to the Years of Struggle (Leis Ansei dei Cinletēta, 1918–1933), a period of political instability, religious tensions, and economic uncertainty in Eiria during the early 20th century. Although diplomatic relations between the two countries already existed, these events transformed a cordial relationship into one of the defining partnerships in Eldid's modern history.

As conditions deteriorated in southwestern Eiria, increasing numbers of its citizens sought stability abroad. The first arrivals in Eldid consisted primarily of university professors, engineers, geologists, physicians, entrepreneurs, merchants, and skilled craftsmen. Many were attracted by Eldid's reputation as a welcoming nation for immigrants and by the opportunities offered by its expanding economy and vast undeveloped territory.
Recognising both the humanitarian and economic potential of this migration, the Eldidian Parliament enacted the Eirian Settlement Act of 1921, granting permanent residency to qualified immigrants and encouraging investment in strategic sectors. The legislation reinforced Eldid's long tradition of openness to immigration and marked the beginning of the largest migration wave in the country's history.

Most Eirian immigrants settled in the northern cities of Vaelor and Cliffshore. Vaelor, located near Eldid's northern mountain ranges, emerged as the centre of geological exploration, mining, and heavy industry. Bringing centuries of expertise from the mineral-rich western mountains of Kōr Island, Eirian geologists surveyed the surrounding highlands and identified extensive deposits of iron, copper, and rare earth elements that had previously gone largely unexplored. Their discoveries laid the foundation for Eldid's modern mining industry and, in later decades, supported the growth of advanced metallurgy, precision manufacturing, and high-technology industries. Meanwhile, Cliffshore became the principal commercial gateway for the new economy. Eirian merchants, financiers, and industrialists transformed the city's port into a major centre for maritime trade, banking, shipbuilding, and export-oriented manufacturing.

Among the most influential immigrants was the Eirian industrialist Alarik Renard, owner of several mining enterprises in Monter Province before fleeing political violence during the Years of Struggle. After arriving in Eldid in 1925, Renard acquired extensive tracts of land in the northern mountains that were widely regarded as economically unremarkable. His team of geologists subsequently discovered one of the largest concentrations of rare earth elements ever identified in Eldid, alongside substantial deposits of iron and copper. The establishment of the Renard Mining Company triggered an industrial boom that financed new railways, steelworks, mining towns, ports, and research institutes, becoming a lasting symbol of the Eirian diaspora's contribution to Eldid's economic transformation. Renard later became a naturalised citizen of Eldid and was elected to the Senate, where he spent his final years advocating for scientific education, infrastructure development, and closer cooperation between Eldid and Eiria. Toward the end of his life, he was made a Commander of the Red Star merit order by the Eirian government in recognition of his public service in both his native and adoptive countries.

The migration also transformed Eldid's academic landscape. In 1928, a group of Eirian professors and researchers founded the University of Vaelor, initially specialising in engineering, geology, metallurgy, and the applied sciences needed to support the kingdom's expanding industrial sector. The university rapidly gained national prominence and is today regarded as one of Eldid's leading institutions of higher education, particularly in engineering, earth sciences, and technological innovation.

The migration reached its peak following the Eiria–Xiomera War (1929–1930), when thousands of civilians sought refuge in Eldid. The Eldidian government coordinated one of the largest humanitarian operations in the nation's history, while municipalities, universities, and civic organisations helped refugee families settle throughout the kingdom. Many newcomers found employment in the rapidly expanding mining, industrial, and academic sectors, accelerating Eldid's economic development while preserving strong cultural ties with their homeland.

Although many expected large numbers of migrants to return after stability gradually returned to Eiria, most chose to remain. Their businesses had prospered, their children had grown up in Eldid, and many had become Eldidian citizens. Rather than weakening ties with their homeland, the diaspora created a lasting bridge between the two nations, fostering commercial, scientific, and cultural cooperation that endured for generations. For their generosity toward the Eirian diaspora during a time of great need, Eirian Chancellor Jakelēn Albrīt ordered that a “Eirian-Eldidian friendship park” in Geminus be established not far from the Eldidian embassy, with a central monument commemorating both the Eirian refugees forced to flee and those who welcomed them.

Between 1919 and 1940, an estimated 340,000 Eirian immigrants settled in Eldid, making it the largest immigration wave in the kingdom's history. The migration occurred in three distinct phases: the first wave (1919–1928) brought approximately 110,000 immigrants, consisting primarily of academics, engineers, geologists, entrepreneurs, and skilled professionals seeking political stability and economic opportunity. The second wave (1929–1933), triggered by the height of Eiria's Years of Struggle and the subsequent Eiria–Xiomera War, was the largest, with an estimated 180,000 refugees and migrants arriving in Eldid. A final wave (1934–1940) added approximately 50,000 immigrants, many joining relatives who had already established themselves in the kingdom.

Approximately 160,000 settled in Vaelor, where they became instrumental in the development of the mining, geological, and engineering sectors, while around 120,000 established themselves in Cliffshore, contributing to the expansion of maritime trade, finance, manufacturing, and port infrastructure. The remaining 60,000 settled across other Eldidian cities and rural communities, supporting agricultural modernisation, education, and local industries. Today, it is estimated that approximately 1.9 million Eldidians (around 8.3% of the national population) have at least partial Eirian ancestry, making the Eirian diaspora one of the largest and most influential immigrant communities in Eldid's history.
Inspired by the success of this integration, Eldid and Eiria gradually expanded their partnership beyond trade. During the mid-twentieth century, the two governments established reciprocal scholarship programmes, faculty exchanges, and joint research grants, allowing students, professors, and scientists to study and work in each other's countries. For example, the World Bridge Scholarship (Lei Stipendija PantPasa), administered by the Eirian Ministry of Diplomacy, provides a cohort of 20 Eldidian students per year the chance to study at Eirian public graduate institutions without cost. In return, the Aldren Fellowship, administered by the Eldidian Ministry of Education and Science, offers 20 Eirian students and early-career researchers fully funded postgraduate education and research placements at leading Eldidian institutions, particularly the University of Vaelor, with a strong emphasis on engineering, geology, mining, environmental sciences, and industrial innovation. Together, these programmes have become symbols of the enduring friendship between the two nations and evolved into one of the longest-standing bilateral academic partnerships within the International Democratic Union.

Today, the Eirian community is regarded as one of the most influential immigrant groups in Eldid's history. Its descendants have contributed prominently to public service, academia, engineering, industry, and commerce while preserving elements of Eirian language and culture through community organisations, annual festivals, and educational institutions. Historians widely regard the Eirian migration as a defining milestone in Eldid's industrialisation and economic rise, establishing a century-long partnership between Eldid and Eiria founded on innovation, academic exchange, shared prosperity, and mutual trust.