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Opening Ceremony
Ao Marire Auditorium, State University of the Capital
Huānoch, Milintica
The Ao Marire Auditorium had been chosen by the organizers of the Red Wave Conference as the site of the opening and closing ceremonies. It was the second largest auditorium in Milintica, and its towering walls were a representation of Milintican ideology in concrete and brick form. The angular, unadorned architecture promised uniformity, solidity, equality and endurance - everything that the Milintican state aspired to be. Not just for itself, but for the world, if the most idealistic, ambitious and ideologically driven among them had their way.
The Ao, as it was affectionately known by State University of the Capital students and alumni, was the ideal centerpiece for the Conference for another reason. Ao Marire, the first socialist President of Milintica, had been a driving figure in the conversion of Milintica into a socialist state from 1917 to 1923. His own "red wave", in its way, was an inspiration for Neina Arana and the others who had planned the conference.
As the assembled delegates and guests waited, the lights slowly dimmed in the auditorium. Bright red spotlights then slowly came to light, highlighting the flags of the IDU assembled on the wall behind the podium. Flags for every recognized IDU nation were there, not just the flags of the nations attending the conference. Revolution is for everyone, Neina Arana liked to say. From its very opening scene, the conference was meant to be a very clear shot across the bow of the contented capitalist nations of the IDU.
As a new set of spotlights rose onto the stage, a figure dressed in jeans and a rough button-down shirt walked to the podium. Mazayotl, the new Prime Minister of Milintica, smiled broadly as he took the microphone. "Honored delegates and guests, welcome to Milintica, and to the State University of the Capital! Our nation and our peoples welcome you in solidarity, brotherhood and sisterhood. We welcome you to this first Red Wave Conference - the first, with our collective strength behind it, of many. Change is constant, and so is the need for us to fight for the people. So this conference shall likewise be ongoing, until such time as the red wave of change sweeps our world."
As the crowd cheered, Mazayotl smiled again. "Your presence here shows your commitment to the fight for equality and for change. Milintica shares your resolve, and we will stand with you as we seek change around the world."
As Mazayotl continued with his speech, Milintica's President waited for her own turn at the podium to come, at the end of the conference. For now, she was at Haven House, managing an entirely different matter. The country's former President, Matōchmizalo, and the Milintican Peoples' Party had been barred from attending the conference. The MPP had planned to protest their ban outside the conference. Arana was not having any of that. Huaxō, the new National Police Commissioner, had already been given his marching orders. Several hours before the conference started, both Matōchmizalo and former Prime Minister Tupai Tapihana had quietly been detained. With their two top leaders suddenly out of the loop, the MPP found itself a bit disarmed as the National Police surrounded their headquarters building "for security purposes."
Tazal Hall, State University of the Capital
Session: "International Solidarity"
First up was Spartacus Jones, Member of the Slokaisian Legislature, representing Revolt! "First of all, I would like to acknowledge all the comrades who have died in the struggle for Kaijanese independence, both against the violent armed groups such as the Kaijan League which try to install their brand of Fascism and the abusive government of Brooke Weasley."
"Kaijan, for those unaware, is an island of Slokais, which has been oppressed by both colonial powers for many centuries and by decades of capitalist mismanagement. Slokais is a country which claims to be diverse yet in reality is controlled by Catholic Anglo-Costanoan capitalist elites. I was educated of these injustices by my brother in arms, Mohamed Al-Marwasai in 2016. I had a mental break the prior year, the capitalist music industry had broken me after years of performing and industry deals, and I was on a retreat in the mountains in North Kaijan. During this time, I read many pieces of key leftist literature, including Al-Marwasai's 'Isle of Greed'. I would recommend it to all comrades here, a real 10 of 10 book. I actually tried to promote it as Minister of Education, but the powers that be wouldn’t have that, they wouldn't have that."
"Anyway, I invited Al-Marwasai to my retreat. We had several good vegetarian meals. And then he informed me what had been done to his people. The federal government had begun a program in 2012 which put infrastructure and business planning in the hands of private partners, these partners were simply the sons and daughters of these colonial sugar companies. He explained to me that many turned to radical Islam as a way of comradery and escape from capitalist reality. Although I respect the religion, its radical implementation has seen fascistic practices such as the arrest of those who don’t live by their social code. I believe in religious freedom, but not the ability to deny others of their freedoms for the sake of religion."
"I realized at that moment, not only did Slokais Island need socialism or the world needed socialism, but each and every people group needed socialism. Economically and socially, an independent Socialist, Kaijanese state would be self-sufficient and free of the exploitative wills of some Slokasians. Liberation can only be achieved through the mechanism of socialism. The vehicle, armed struggle or by political methods is up for those who are driving to decide. I won’t speak publicly on which method I prefer for my own personal safety, the Fascist, Slokasian Intelligence Bureau is already tapping my house, they're already tapping my house."
"I leave you all with the Kaijanese proverb 'Dia yang didu, sebaiknya mencapai tinggi'. Meaning he whose tower has the deepest supports shall reach the greatest height."
When Jones was done, he received a tremendous amount of applause.
Alain Bonnet, member of the Aurian Parliament representing the United Aurian Commune, was next. Bonnet discussed the importance of gaining legitimacy through foreign outreach in matters that aren't subject to ideological disagreement with capitalist nations, such as national defense. Using the UAC as an example, he argued for similar legitimatization through fighting alongside capitalist nations against a greater evil, namely Xiomera. "Dreamers can yet still be pragmatists," he said. Bonnet's speech was well-received by the more moderate delegates in attendance, but the response from the Milintican delegates was mixed. Cooperating with capitalist states for a mutual goal had been the hallmark of the previous administration, but was decidedly not the agenda of Arana or the Milintican Communist Party.
Lana Priede, member of the Aurian Parliament and leader of "The Wall" UAC faction, had a decidedly different approach. "Chaining ourselves to capitalists will only cement our position on a sinking ship. We are done serving the rich and always meeting their demands with a bent knee." Priede added, "Selling your soul in the name of safety is neither brave nor righteous." The more radical delegates in attendance, particularly the Milintican delegates, received this with raucous applause.
Javier Flynn, leader of the True Communist Movement of Lauchenoiria, won a strong round of applause as well for his remarks. “Those of us who still believe in a communist future for Lauchenoirians welcome the assistance of our international comrades. Averforth and Pavía are threats to all Lauchenoirians, so do not allow them to dissuade you," Flynn concluded, winning himself a gust of cheers from the Milinticans and the other more radical attendees. The Milinticans especially seemed gleeful at the idea of flipping Lauchenoiria back to the communist side.
Khara Gulug, representing the Taragaian Peoples' Revolutionary Party, mixed praise for the idea of International solidarity with a plea for a little bit of that solidarity to be directed the way of her faction in the Taragaian not-quite-civil-war. "Our government was overthrown by counter-revolutionary elements whose strings are being pulled by outside capitalist powers and fascists such as Xiomera. Please remember that our struggle is your struggle."
Huitzilimara, member of the Huenyan Chamber of Deputies representing the Huenyan Communist Party, called for both socialist movements and nations to confront "the rising number of right-leaning capitalist leaders with authoritarian tendencies," citing Huenyan President Xiadani by name as an example. Huitzilimara also called for socialist movements and governments to ensure they spoke with a united voice regarding their goals and positions.
The session was rounded out by Lōpil, Milintica's new Minister of International Outreach. "I want to thank our speakers for their wise words, and their long-standing and ongoing commitment to a better and more equal future for the people of their respective homelands. Your efforts, together with all of ours, will pave the way for the red wave we named this conference after, one step and one nation at a time. If we all work together and support each others' efforts, we will emerge victorious for the benefit of all."
A separate panel session with Devrim Köroğlu, Floor Leader of the Social Democratic Party of Haesan, and Professor Noriko Asano of the University of Saikane (Misumi) discussed capitalist indoctrination in state run secondary education. "In Eastern societies like ours, is still the state who ultimately determines who gets degrees, who gets appointed as managers, and who ultimately is in the position to oppress the working class," Köroğlu said.
Petera Hall, State University of the Capital
Session: "A New Economy"
Köroğlu spoke about systemic barriers to unionization in Haesan's manufacturing sector. "Never once has Haesan been governed by a leader who truly fought for its people," Köroğlu said, adding that "the only difference between the Haesan of today and the dictatorship of the past is the name of our leader."
Milintica's Minister of Trade, Huachilotl, spoke of the importance of coordinating efforts between socialist governments to reform national economies to a socialist system. He also spoke of the importance of ensuring the rise to power of socialist governments in nations not yet led by such governments, in order to create reform in more nations and build an overall worldwide economy on socialist principles. "We can't help all people in all lands if we maintain a patchwork of societies and economies. We must all do all we can to bring about an economic revolution, even if that means expanding on political revolution."
Chancellor Jax Bertoni of Doatia caused the biggest stir of the session, and perhaps the conference, with his remarks following Huachilotl. “While I recognize the urge to transition away from capitalism and fully acknowledge the harms of late-stage capitalism, planned economies pose equal risk of abuse, corruption, and negligence. Power in the hands of the few will always be a big risk. That being said, a transition from the traditional capitalistic dominance to a system of democratic socialism, where the needs of a nation’s people are met and its economy operates fairly and equitably is essential. Healthcare, education, housing, food, and basic utilities are unalienable human rights. A right to a job, a living wage, a voice in government, and a sufficient social safety net. Universal access to a social security for retirement or disability. These are pillars of a fair and just modern society. The nation of Doatia supports a global economic transformation to embrace these values and make them a reality for all citizens of the IDU."
"But, any attempt to consolidate government power, oppress the will of the people, and line the pockets of the few will be rejected and resisted by Doatia in the strongest terms possible. If the spread of communism gains traction in the IDU, Doatia is prepared to resist in whatever ways necessary. As we speak, my team is discussing sanctions, military intervention, diplomatic consequences, and an initiative to encourage democratic socialism across the IDU. Above all, a fair economy, a democratic government, and the freedom of dignity each human is entitled to will be upheld.”
The more moderate attendees of the session were quick to applaud Bertoni's remarks. However, the Milinticans in attendance, in particular, were less than pleased. Bertoni's remarks opposing the spread of communism fell rather flat with the hosts of the event, namely, a communist party whose eagerness to tout the idea of worldwide revolution had been worn rather openly on their sleeves throughout the day.
Hall of the Martyrs
Institute of Defense
Huānoch, Milintica
Session: "Swords, Not Plowshares"
The Hall of the Martyrs was the only location of the conference, other than various mixers and socializing events, not held on the campus of the State University of the Capital. The Hall of the Martyrs was a large conference hall located at Milintica's military academy. It was dedicated to the memory of guerrillas who had fought in various campaigns and locations for Milintica to advance the cause of socialism. Its mix of martial appeal and appeals to those lost to previous struggles was an ideal setting for those who were ready to advocate for a more muscular approach to creating a red wave.
Flynn was first up, and had quite a bit to say. “These are the lessons to be learned from the Second Lauchenoirian Civil War: we must not compromise our ethics by collaborating with counterrevolutionary forces, not even to win a war. It was the involvement of Kerlile and Gonhog on Suleman Chaher’s side that caused our eventual defeat - two countries that do not know the true value of communism! We must remain faithful to our ideals, and we must fight for them! We cannot accept weak compromises, peace treaties with the capitalists, as they will always find a way to turn them to their advantages. Lauchenoirians tried to rise up once more, only to be put down by their so called Coalition of 'liberation' - a mob of capitalistic countries dedicated to destroying the Lauchenoirian revolution. Every country that fought alongside Laura Moore and her corporate cronies should be ashamed. We must never stop fighting!” Flynn received a great deal of applause from the audience, which was composed mostly of the more radical elements attending the audience. A large group of Milintican Communist Party attendees began to chant "liberate Lauchenoiria" before being convinced to pipe down for the next speaker.
Bonnet was up next. "Exclusively attempting to throw out flawed capitalist systems entirely will only breed more resistance to the righteous. We must fight them both inside and outside of their established systems. Only then can we change the status quo in a way that will last," he said. "Making a stand does not always mean making yourself a martyr. Sometimes, it's just a way to get on your feet," Bonnet added. The audience seemed more receptive to this set of remarks than Bonnet's comments during the earlier session.
Gulug was next, and she was clearly in favor of a fight. "The people of Taragai are even now waging a fight against the so-called 'reformer' puppets of the hegemonic capitalist power structure in the IDU, who seek to make every nation their vassal and every people their servants. This is a fight that is being waged in every land, whether it is obvious or not, whether it is an open fight or not." Gulug emphasized the importance of "a collective effort among all movements and governments that are on the side of the people to wage this fight everywhere."
Huitzilimara was next to speak, and she also emphasized the importance of confronting "the enemies of the people" both at home and away from home. "Whether it's with a politician's pen or a guerrilla's gun, we cannot be afraid to seek whatever levers of power there are for us to effect change." Huitzilimara also called for attendees of the conference to focus on "the major centers of the capitalist-fascist power structure" in order to effect change. "As much as I want to see change in Huenya, I must admit that Huenya is peripheral. The major capitalist powers of the world, such as Laeral, Haesan, Libertas Omnium Maximus, Sanctaria, and Eiria are the ones that truly drive the power structure of the world. We must seek change in those nations to change the world."
Ngaire Tipene, the Minister of Decolonization and Depatrichalization of Milintica, was next. "There are many means for us to cause the red wave to surge. Ideally, the first one would be political, social and cultural. In capitalist nations, there is a rising discontent at the inherent inequality of those systems. Both culturally and socially, there are many in those nations who are ready for change. Desperate for it, in fact. We must support and uplift those people, and the movements they lead and will lead in the future. Supporting those movements and future leaders as they seek political power in their countries is essential. If the governments of the nations they are from believe in democracy as fervently as they claim, when socialist leaders win elections with our help and take power, those governments shouldn't object, no?" Tipene asked, to laughter from the crowd. "But if they do object, refuse to let those who are agents of change take the lead, or prevent them from fairly seeking office in the first place, then we not only have the right to seek change through force of arms, we have a responsibility to do so. No one should live under a government that denies their voice." Tipene highlighted Milintica's long history at providing both arms and guerrillas to such movements, and urged other nations and movements to "be prepared to seek freedom if democracy fails." Tipene also expanded on Huitzilimara's remarks about targeting capitalist nations by specifically calling out "world powers where capitalism and the tyranny of the jackboot combine," such as Shuell and Xiomera. "Any nation that combines fascism and capitalism to repress their people and seek hegemonic dominance is the highest enemy of the people, and must be fought at all costs."
While this session proved highly popular, not everyone was a fan. Anja Aalto, leader of the Communist Party of Zongongia and Minister for Pensions and Labour, was overheard telling other attendees the “Swords, not Plowshares” session was “counterproductive” and “playing up to all the stereotypes about us”.
Enoka Hall, State University of the Capital
Session: "True Justice is Social Justice"
Köroğlu was present at this session as well, and urged the attendees to continue to strive for change and social justice. "The capitalists are scared. They have tried to gun us down. They have tried to remove us from the ballot. But time and time again, the people have chosen to give us a voice."
Huitzilimara touted Huenya's record of "incorporating social justice into our laws and policies as we formed a new government and nation" following independence from Xiomera. She said that "the driving beliefs of the Huenyan Communist Party and our allies in government" ensured that Huenya implemented principles of equality and fair treatment for all people. "Some in Huenya wanted us to become Xiomera lite - even going so far as to try to force the unwanted and unneeded crowned heads of the old Xiomeran Imperial monarchy onto us. We didn't stand for that. We helped draft the Acalan Manifesto, in which the Huenyan people made it clear that they would not accept repeating the mistakes of the old tyranny. And later, we ensured that our leaders heard us when we said that Yauhmi must go, Texōccoatl must go, all the crowned heads of ancient imperialism must go. We even forced he mighty Unification Party to listen to us, even if they did not want to, because we had the voice of the people. If we could do it, this can be done in any nation, in any society." Huitzilimara called on attendees to "promote new governments and movements in your countries that enshrine principles of social justice at the heart of everything they do." She also called on them to "devote yourselves to combating racism, gender discrimination, socioeconomic discrimination, anti-LGBTQ bias, and all other forms of discrimination" in their countries.
Catlcoatl Hall, State University of the Capital
Session: "Filling the Gaps"
Jones spoke again, to another highly pleased crowd. "Education is one of the most important factors in not only personal success but the success of an entire nation. Sadily, capitalism has created pre-existing disparities both between nations and within nations. In Slokais Islands, when breaking down score on the NAP (National Aptitude Placement) exam given to 16 and 17 year old’s in preparation for college, there are clear discrepancies by both ethnic group and class. For example, students of Blancos background achieved an average NAP score of 7.1 while Kaijanese students scored a 5.9 and Mallacans a 5.6. These students are not dumb, despite what the capitalist media will have you believe. It’s simply that capitalism has favored schools in wealthier areas while putting down schools in less wealthy areas. As Minister of Education, I tried to change this fact. I diverted more funds to low-scoring schools, instead of rewarding the same constant well-performing ones. In my 18 months before I was forced to resign for my personal views, these low-scoring schools achieved on average 0.5-0.7 points better. In addition, I expanded a program to provide free meals to students and prevented tax dollars from going to divisive religious schools which forced reactionary social views."
"Education is key, my late mother Dolores Jones who taught for 20 years in the Salvador City School District always said 'education is the key which opens the door to lifelong success'. Sadly she passed due to poor health habits encouraged by capitalist society, but that’s another story. I’m actually starting a school myself, called Dolores Academy. We will teach modern social and economic values with a vegetarian diet along with the standard revolutionary curriculum. I’ve been made aware, I’m out of time, in solidarity comrades."
Aalto was next. "Our goal in the [Zongongian government] coalition is to enable the people of Zongongia to see what changes are possible should they support a transformation of the economy towards Communism. We may not be able to achieve all our goals in this format, but we can advance recognition of our party and cause, while providing the people of Zongongia with an opportunity to vote for better in the referendum.”
Huitzilimara touted Huenya's success at "democratizing" healthcare and education, and the role of the Huenyan left in achieving that. "Prior to independence, Huenya was ruled by a Xiomeran government that liked then (and still likes now) to call itself a 'meritocracy'. Nothing could have been further from the truth. Ethnic Xiomerans, particularly those from wealthy or well-connected families, were practically guaranteed to attend better schools growing up. They often had access to resources such as tutors, libraries and special 'cram coaches' that those not of ethnic Xiomeran descent never had. And under the toxic ideology of 'Xiomeran meritocracy', which really equaled Xiomeran supremacy, they almost always had first dibs on the positions in higher education and in the corporate world that enabled self-sufficiency and success. And, as one might expect, that affluence also guaranteed better health outcomes, in the form of being able to afford better food and better healthcare. Under an independent Huenyan government, one dedicated to treating all Huenyans fairly, that has all changed. Our laws now mandate equal access to educational opportunities. Our laws now mandate equal access to healthcare and eliminate loopholes that allowed the wealthy to bypass the national health service to get better care. We have aggressively eliminated many of the open and secret loopholes and back-door agreements that allowed nepotism, family and elite connections, and certain backgrounds to benefit where others could not. And we have seen Huenya get better for it, every single year. No one group dominates our boardrooms, or our halls of government, anymore."
Huitzilimara continued: "The quality of our healthcare has improved massively for our people overall. Poverty is dropping. More people every year have access to better food, better healthcare, safer and healthier living conditions, and the educational opportunities that lead to success. We've done this by making sure the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, that corruption and profiteering don't siphon funds away from our services, and that we maintain the principle that everyone deserves the same access to what they need. And let me tell you, it wasn't the Unification Party or leaders like Xiadani who did that, or even wanted that. If you want to see where the Huenyan success story has really come from, look to the Huenyan left. And then, look to yourselves, for you are the same agents of change for your people. And you can do it."
Paiwa Henare, Minister of National Equalization for Milintica, was next. "To truly fill the gaps, as we seek, this inherently requires a government, economy and society with a foundation in social justice and a strong commitment to every single person in their country, without fear or favor. Sadly, we don't live yet in a world where that is the norm for the majority of nations or people. But it can be! Your presence here proves that. When you go home, remember who you met here today, the conversations you had and the wisdom you learned, and use that as the springboard for change where you are."
After the Sessions:
Cihuatl Ballroom, State University of the Capital
The final gathering before the planned closing remarks was held in the Cihuatl Ballroom in the Student Union building. It was a big mixer, an opportunity for the attendees to work the room. Javier Flynn would have been busily at work trying to chat up any leader who might be willing to provide assistance to the TCM to gain power in Lauchenoiria. This would not go well for Flynn. Even the Milinticans, usually eager to send their guerrillas off to fight the good fight, weren't ready to provoke Lauchenoiria - yet. Flynn would leave Huānoch empty-handed, at least for now.
Priede, for her part, would be working the room in a different way. As Bonnet mingled unaware, Priede was chatting up the Milinticans. Many Milintican figures, both publicly and privately, had already expressed support for the UAC taking a different direction. Priede saw Arana and her supporters, and Milintica in general, as natural allies. Priede was strongly hoping that the seeds she was planting would take root and prove to be fruitful for her.
Huitzilimara was also working the Milinticans. It was already very evident that the Presidents of Milintica and Huenya despised each other. Huitzilimara did have one thing in common with Neina Arana other than communism - she also despised Xiadani. Convincing the Milinticans to help Huenya's Communist Party was practically guaranteed success, under those circumstances.
Jones was chatting up a different group of people - namely, reporters. "In a historic moment of worldwide conflict and chaos not seen since the Great War, the Red Wave conference has been very productive. The capitalists don't want this, the imperialists don't want this, they don't want the workers of the world to unite for freedom." He added, "Liberation can only be achieved through the mechanism of socialism. The vehicle, armed struggle or by political methods is up for those who are driving to decide."
Closing Ceremony
Ao Marire Auditorium, State University of the Capital
As the conference drew to a close, the auditorium filled up once more for the closing ceremony. At the appointed time, the lights darkened once more. The Milintican State Orchestra struck up a classic revolutionary tune from the days of the Milintican switch to socialism. The tune smoothly transitioned to snippets of the national anthems of IDU nations, as a new group of people entered the auditorium. Members of the recently re-established Milintican Red Youth Corps carried in the same flags of the IDU nations from the opening ceremony as the snippets played. The flagpoles had red banners hanging from them as well, which swung from the top of the flagpoles as the banner-carriers walked to line up at the rear of the stage. The message was once again clear: Milintica may have been a tiny nation, but it had big ambitions for the world.
When the orchestra finally stopped, Neina Arana walked to the podium to applause from the crowd. They were hoping for a strong speech from the firebrand new President to close things out. They would not be disappointed.
"Honored delegates and attendees, thank you so much for attending this conference, and being here in solidarity with us. I was truly hoping for this first Red Wave Conference to be a success, but you have made it exceed even my wildest dreams. I am so grateful to have all of you here," Arana said. "The spirit that you have brought to Milintica, and to this conference, reaffirms our faith in a red future for our world. You have come here from different nations, backgrounds, and societies, but one thing has brought you all here: your commitment to a better world."
"I am convinced now, more than ever, that the future is ours to shape. By working together for a common cause and goal, we will change the world. The Red Wave will rise, in nation after nation. And you are the ones who will make that happen."
As the crowd cheered, Arana raised her hands. "If we all work together, support each other no matter the cost, and persevere no matter the challenge, we cannot help but prevail. Just as you all stand together here, Milintica stands with you. When you need support, Milintica will be here. If you need refuge from persecution, Milintica will be here. No matter what happens, your struggle is our struggle. As proof of that commitment, I am proud to announce that Milintican volunteers will soon travel to Taragai, to help our fellow communist Chaghagan Khoga in his fight against the counter-revolutionary puppets of capitalist powers that are trying to seize Taragai from its people."
Gulug grinned broadly at Arana's words. Khoga's faction had been struggling badly, and Milintican support could turn the tide for them.
"Milintica is also ready, in a way that has been long coming, to prove our loyalty to you, and to this fight," Arana said before taking a dramatic pause. She raised her right hand, pointing at the ceiling. "Effective immediately, Milintica is withdrawing from the Union of Caxcanan States. We are removing the fetters of an anti-socialist alliance with capitalist demons from our necks once and for all. The previous leadership of this country lost their way, which is why they joined such an alliance in the first place. Instead of siding with the capitalists for one second longer, Milintica stands with you, and with the people of our land and every land!"
As the crowd cheered again, Arana smiled. "A true worldwide movement of the people will be stronger than any hegemonic alliance of capitalists and oligarchs. Today, starting now, we are forging that movement. And when we are done, we will build the monument to our movement on the foundations of the toppled edifices of those who dared suppress the proletariat!"
Arana raised her hands once more, as the crowd roared. "Take the spirit you have found here today home with you. Fight the good fight, every day in every way. And together, we will be the red wave."
November 8th
Council of Custodians Chambers
Normally, sessions of the Council of Custodians were simple and quiet affairs. The thirty-six members of the Saladian legislature (those who bothered to show up to session, anyway) weren't the aggressively diligent type. Usually, they were on their phones, napping, or chatting while whoever was at the podium nattered on about whatever it was they were talking about. Today, however, was different.
Prime Minister Leighton Taylor had everyone's full attention for once. Since his abrupt decision to leave the Unlimited Salad Party and run on a platform of ending the Saladian monarchy, Taylor had been the chief subject of talk around the Council Chambers. Around the entire country, for that matter. The Custodians were all there for once, and were watching and listening intently.
"The decision I made was not one made lightly," Taylor said, to a mix of booing and cheers. The Speaker of the Council, Valeré Patenaude, would have normally tried to maintain order as Taylor was speaking. But as he was now Taylor's chief rival in the PM race, he was content to let Taylor be in the hot seat.
"It is clear that the Marquis is a criminal and a conman, not to mention a minor tyrant. He's no Calhualyana, admittedly, but still, Salad Land can do better. We don't need a ruler. If other countries can do it, so can we! Join me and the new Toss de Salad Party, and let's be rid of the Marquis once and for all! Saladians deserve honest, fair and competent leadership!"
"You mean the kind of leadership like yours, that almost got us conquered by the Xiomerans?" Patenaude sneered, interrupting Taylor. The Prime Minister turned red as Patenaude's backers cheered. "I don't apologize for trying to do the right thing, unlike you and your side that seems to try to avoid the right thing like it's a plague of lizards!" Taylor shouted. "Some of us are done with being led by crooks!"
A USP-aligned Custodian named Julien Babineaux stood up. "Je t'emmerde!" he shouted, reaching under his desk and grabbing something. He quickly removed a bit of plastic wrap and lobbed it at Taylor. The object flew through the air with stunning accuracy, striking Taylor in the chest. It was a small Caesar salad. Croutons, lettuce and cheese exploded all over Taylor's fine suit. A single tomato landed on the Great Seal of Salad Land behind Taylor with a wet plop.
Now, throwing a salad at someone is a grave insult in Salad Land. It is, in fact, one of the worst insults possible to a Saladian. Taylor looked down at his now-Caesared suit. His face reddened even more. "Bastard!" he shouted back, grabbing the now empty bowl and throwing it back at Babineaux. It struck Babineaux on his prominent forehead with a satisfying thwack. Babineaux dropped into his chair with a loud groan.
The resulting brawl required the full attention of the Saladian Police Service to bring to an end. With that, election season was underway in Salad Land.
President Vuong paced in his office, fuming silently. The only other occupant, General Phuoc, looked on, brow furrowed. Neither were happy with the recent turn of events.
The silent pacing continued before Vuong finally stopped and rounded on Phuoc.
"You said you would handle this!" He shouted.
"And I have!" Phuoc returned, rising from his seat. "You asked me to stop the demonstrations. I have done as I have before!"
"And now we face open rebellion!" Vuong countered. "They've attacked your bases in the north, or have you forgotten?!"
"I have not! Nor will I stand by and let it happen again!" Phuoc again countered. "We know they are located in the jungles. I am planning operations to root out these rebels and destroy them."
Vuong glared, eyes narrowing towards Phuoc. "See that you do, General. And when you do, make sure to take Phantasium in alive. A public execution of such an agitator will calm the masses."
Phuoc sighed. "If only Kwon hadn't been so incompetent. Had his plot to assassinate that liberal bastard gone to plan, we wouldn't even be in this mess in the first place."
Vuong sat in his chair, leaning back. "And yet it didn't. That moron may be gone now, but he left us picking up the pieces."
"Makes you wonder whether it was intentional or not."
"Yes..." Phuoc's eyes darkened as the generals words sank in. "Yes it does..."
(Note: These events take place after the 2024 Milintican election).
Tecpancalli Tonaltzintli
Chuaztlapoc, Huenya
President Xiadani was very displeased with Neina Arana.
The leader of Huenya was certainly not unique in that regard. Arana had only been President of Milintica for six days, but millions of Milinticans (MPP backers, mostly) were already very annoyed with the country's new leader. Arana hadn't been doing much to endear herself to leaders in other countries, either. But Huenya had two bones to pick in particular with the new Milintican administration.
The first one involved dozens of Huenyans working for the State Department who had unceremoniously been placed on planes out of the country on October 5th. The Milintican government had not been kidding when they had said election observers would no longer be welcome in the country once the new administration took over. Xiadani did not yet know if election observers from other countries had been forced to leave as well, but she had little doubt she would be receiving aggrieved messages soon enough on that matter.
The fact that Huenyan citizens had been bundled onto planes like luggage and shipped back home without even a heads up to the Huenyan government was actually the second strike, as far as Xiadani was concerned. The first strike had been when two Huenyan officials had been arrested by local police in the town of Aropaonui. Unlike the other Huenyan observers, those two were still in Milintica, in a jail cell. Xiadani was very displeased about that in particular.
It was with that displeasure in mind that Xiadani asked her assistant to place a phone call to Huānoch. Xiadani believed that a conversation between presidents was long overdue.
Xiadani waited for the call to go through. And waited. And waited.
Eventually, her assistant, Moquihui, came back on the line with an apologetic tone to his voice. "Sorry, Madam President, but Haven House has declined to accept your call."
"Declined." Xiadani said the word as if Moquihui had just dropped jaguar dung onto her desk.
Moquihui sighed. "Arana's office said they are too busy with launching her administration to speak with us at this time. To, erm, call back later."
After a very long silence, Xiadani sighed. "I see. Thank you. Could you start another call for me please?" Like most Huenyans, Xiadani was a big baseball fan. She thought of the matter in baseball terms. Strike three, Neina. You're out.
The next group of people Moquihui called would prove to be far more receptive to Xiadani's call. When High General Texōccoatl, Defense Secretary Tlanexchel, and FIS director Cuetlancaona were looped into the video call, Xiadani started the conversation directly. "Something has to be done to put Neina Arana in her proper place."
---
Two hours later, General Huatli of the Huenyan Army sat in a conference room, slightly perplexed.
The General (of former Aurora and civil war fame) had been summoned to Camp Tlalmanang, the headquarters of the Huenyan Special Forces, to meet with Defense Secretary Tlanexchel and High General Texōccoatl. When the other two walked in the room and sat down, Tlanexchel got right to the point. "We are reassigning you. While you've done an excellent job commanding the 34th Army Brigade, we think your talents would suit you to a new role. And a new mission."
Huatli nodded, a skeptical but interested expression crossing her face. "What is the new role?" Texōccoatl presented Huatli with a folder. "Effective immediately, you are to take command of the 1st Chuaztlapoc FSF Brigade."
Huatli gave the two men a look. "You're placing me in charge of a special forces brigade? I'm not part of the special forces." Tlanexchel and Texōccoatl both chuckled. "Given your skill set, we think you're more than qualified. More importantly, they think you're qualified. Their opinion trumps even our own, when it counts."
When Texōccoatl said they, Huatli knew who he meant. The Shorn Ones. The Eagle Warriors. The Jaguar Warriors. They weren't the sort of men and women to take anyone but the best to lead them. "They saw how you sprang into action to help defend Chuaztlapoc during the insurgency. Needless to say, you impressed quite a few of them. So, they want you over there. But you also have to want the job," Texōccoatl said.
Huatli gave Texōccoatl a firm nod. "I don't turn down a mission. Especially one like this."
"Good. We met with you here at Camp Tlalmanang so you could get started with your new brigade immediately," Tlanexchel said. Huatli nodded again. "That would be the new mission to go with the new role, I take it?"
Texōccoatl smirked. "Indeed it is. Tell your men and women to get ready, General. Some of them are going to be paying Milintica a little visit."
Bullets of Democracy: How the Eirian Green Party Lost its Pacifism
By Anija Ravanel, Senator (Green - Jurmala 9)
The history of the National Party of Greens in Eiria is not simple by any measure. Born from the dreams of leftist political philosophers and farm workers alike, the green movement began in the early twentieth century, after our nation endured both political chaos and an awful invasion by Xiomera. The early ideals of our party were lofty, but clear: to design a future where we do not rely on possessions to bring us joy, where we are able to sustain our natural environments and ourselves at the same time, and where a peaceful world is not just possible, but real. Today, the Greens are a large force in Eirian politics, but with a more environmental focus. The NPG is now far away from its peaceful origins. But why?
The early incarnations of the green movement only had the power to influence local governments and the Senates of a few provinces. Outside of the governing coalitions of Serenity and Murdarb Provinces, our movement was widely seen as the shouting of a few activists on the outside of “normal” politics. It did take a few decades, but the seeds sown by the early green politicians bore fruit during and after the Great War. The reality of the second Xiomeran invasion inspired many on the left to dream of a world without war. From that, for the first time, large numbers of local Green candidates had the opportunity to win in national Senate races. Thus, a national Green electoral group was born, titled (rather obviously) the National Party of Greens.
Through the late twentieth century, the NPG used their increasing presence to gain power, particularly with the confidence-and-supply agreements with Rišard in 1970, Mēnjon in 1978, and a spot in the Blajeviča Coalition from 1990-1994. Their pacifistic and environmentally-focused beliefs attracted Progressive and Social Democratic voters who had grown angry with post-war economic reconstruction efforts that involved the exploitation of Eiria’s natural resources. As such, without the Great War, the NPG likely would not have gained national power.
But it was yet another war that started the change in the party’s platform to what we see today. After the political chaos of the Rēvs administration allowed Darrin to take power, the NPG saw itself slowly being pushed out of politics and political spaces by the ruling regime. This caused many activists in the party, who saw the fist of oppression grasping the nation, to rethink their pacifism and join resistance groups. After the war, this resulted in a divide within the Green movement between the “Dark Greens” (those who now believed that some wars are necessary to protect democracy) and the “Light Greens” (who hated the concept of a necessary war).
While the Dark Greens held the large majority of the seats and political power within the NPG immediately after the war, the Light Greens still held onto a small amount of seats for a few elections (despite losing some of their candidates to defections to the Progressives and Socialists). The thing that truly killed the idea of Green Pacifism in Eiria was the Second Xiomeran Civil War. With the rest of the governing coalition jumping at the opportunity to bring democracy to part of the Huenyan subcontinent, the party leadership was quick to declare their support of the military intervention. This act isolated the few remaining pacifists in the party, who either retired (as in the case of Senator Aleksa Relan), defected to the Progressives, or ran under the name of a small local party (Such as non-inscrit Senator Kleman Saliā).
Regardless if you believe that war can be necessary to protect democracy or not, the National Party of Greens saw the very kind of wars that created it change its key values to fit a “new reality.” The party’s platform is now primarily about recreating the Eirian economy in a way that saves our world, which is in line with the original dream behind Green thought. But the idea of a peaceful world has left the minds of many, including our own Green Chancellor. I hope that, in the end, we are right about war being inevitable for peace. Otherwise, we will pay for those democratic bullets and every life they took.
Lōdesei dei Demokratēja: Kō lei Partij Velts dei Eiria Perdasva sal Mērtēcēta
Paur Anija Ravanel, Senatē (Veltē, Jurmala 9)
Lei vestu deile Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei danz Eiria nē es vienkar, nē svara lei merē. Piedzasva deiles revētasei deiles dōmēsei politikcasei dei krōš ut darbēsei dei fermētasei lei paš, lei kenēta velts kōmzasva dans lei sēek duvdenēaš, apre mas nācōn izturasva lei duvs dei hīos politikca ut un anvajacōn šausmi paur Šiōmera. Leis tecētasei akrij dei mas partij nanasaoj auks, bet klirs: Dēzīnat un nakōta kur nē karikam leis amētasei mōs det prēa, kur poivam sutenit mas venirōdesei dabanesei ut mus arvec lei paš mās, ut kur un pasa mērca nē es seul poivaca, bet rēl. Cis dier, leis Veltēsei arana un spek krad danz lei politikei de Eiria, bet konzentrana prablemei venirōdeca plu. Lei PNV es talu dei sal race mērtēca. Bet kāois?
Leis renkarnētasei akrijei deile kenēta velts seul amanasa lei poiv jatekmet parvalētasei lōkusei ut leis Senatei dei daše prōvinzei. Dehara deiles kōalicōnei ku parvalanasa deiles prōvinzei dei Serenety ut Murdarb, dauz dei persei tēcanasa ku mas kenēta nanasa daše aktēsei ku stendanasa dei dehara dei lei politik nōrmal. Nōkanasa daše denadsei, bet leis seklasei ku leis politikē veltsei akrijei danasa līka ut apre Lei Karšēta Krad. Lei situacōn rēl deile duvaš anvajacōn paur Šiōmera inespanasa dauz deile krōš revet un pasa nevec karšēta. Dei cas, kō un lēta naus, dauz krol dei kandēsei veltsei lōkusei amanasa lei espeja uzvat danz leis kandētasei paur Senat nācōnals. Dei cis, un grupa nācōnals dei veltēsei piedzasva, ut toi zauna (treis klirsma) lei Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei.
Vizā deile sēek duvdenēaš tār, lei PNV izasva sal endua danz lei politik ku paplašasvaoj tak poivana uzvat spek, partikalame avec leis apsōlētasei dei atbalit avec Rišard danz 1970, Mēnjon danz 1978, ut un endua danz lei Kōalicōn dei Blajeviča dei 1990 as 1994. Leis balēsei Devacasei ut Demokratēcasei Sōcialsei ku aranaoj faša an leis ešētasei dei renkarnat lei ekonomē apre lei karšēta ku incluasvaoj lei izmanēča deiles resursei dabanesei dei Eiria patanasa leis tēcētasei mērtēca dei NPV ku konzentranasa lei venirōde. Ut tak, neves Lei Karšēta Krad, lei PNV prōbema nē han usvasva spek nācōnals.
Bet cas kuj kōmzasva mānit leis tecētasei dei PNV as ku redam cis dier arana un zitu karšēta. Apre lei hīos politikca dei adminiztēta Rēvs atlaujasva Darrin reklet spek, lei rejem ku vadasva fōrzasva lei PNV dehara dei politik ut leis enduasei politikcasei. Cas kausasva dauz aktēsei dans lei partij, ku redanasa lei dure dei uprimēča turasvaoj lei nācōn, dōmat atkal dei seres mērtēcēta ut pevinat leis grupasei dei resistēča. Apre lei karšēta, cas kreasva un divisōn danz lei kenēta veltca antra leis “veltēsei zōmbei” (kē nag tēcana ku nejam daše karšētasei proteget demokratēja) ut leis “veltēsei lieklei” (kē ienisana lei dōmēta ku nejam karšēta).
Pendar leis veltēsei zōmbei amanasa lei magōrte deiles rakstamsei ut deile piov politikca danza deile PNV imedima apre lei karšēta, leis veltēsei lieklei joprō turanasa daše maz dei rakstamsei pōr daše elērēčasei (Serre depit perdanasa kandēsei ku defektanasa at leis Devacēsei ut Demokratēsei Sōcialei). Tal ku tuasva lei ideja dei mērtēcēta velts danz Eira nasva lei Duvaš Karšēta Civikca dei Šiōmera. Arvec tut dei auts danz lei kōalicōn ku parvalasva kenasva atrijma kā lei espeja atnet as dalja dei lei sukōntinen Nōrduenjaca, leis vadēsei dei partij anoncanasa atrijma seres atbalēta deile intervenēča militārca. Cis aktēta ēasva talu dei leis mērtēcēsei ku palikanasa danz lei partij, kē vaja partanasa dei politik (kō danz lei endua dei Senatē Aleksa Relan), defektanasa at leis Devacēsei, vī kandanasa arvec lei noms dei un partij maz lōku ((kō danz lei endua dei Senatē Kleman Saliā).
Nē svara sē tēcis ku nejam karšēta pōr proteget demokratēja vī nen, lei Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei redasva ku lei paš karšēta ku toi kreasva mānasva sal tecētasei lielasei pōr iderat un “rēlēta naus.” Lei base dei partij nag konzentra renkarnat lei ēkonomē dei Eiria danz pōr sōvet mas pasa, ku idera lei revēta veks vaša dōmētasei veltēsasei. Bet lei ideja dei un pasa mērtēca partasva leis galvasei dei dauz persei, inclua mas Čanceliōr velts. Eserem ku, paur lei jason, aram justi tēcet ku tujes sana nejam karšēta pōr mēr. Sē nē, sana maksam pōr casei lōdesei demokratējaca ut kate dvivēta ku jasonanasa.
Act I: Setting the Stage
Peoples' Electoral Commission headquarters
Huānoch, Milintica
September 2nd
Wera Hauraki, Chairman of the Peoples' Electoral Committee, smiled to himself as the cameras shut off. He had just made the announcement to the nation that Neina Arana had won the Milintican presidential elections.
The camera crew from Milintican Peoples' Broadcasting soon finished taking down their equipment and left the Chairman's office, leaving Hauraki alone with his thoughts. The Chairman paused for a moment, then took a small badge from his pocket. He looked at its surface, the lights of his office making the badge shine brightly. The golden star with the rifle, sword and farm tool inlaid into it, surrounded by ruby red, had been his cap badge from his time, decades ago, in the Peoples' Army. It had been the symbol on the Milintican flag for over 90 years, before President Matōchmizalo had changed the national flag and symbols.
Hauraki rather liked the old symbols better.
He smiled once more, before returning the badge to his pocket.
---
Haven House
Huānoch, Milintica
September 2nd
President Matōchmizalo slammed his fist onto his office desk. More than one person in the room flinched at the sound. "How did this happen?" The President shook his head angrily. "Just a few weeks ago, we had a ten point lead in the polls. None of this makes sense. Someone explain to me how Neina-fucking-Arana just won this election!"
Wiremu Witika, the President's campaign manager, grimaced. "She didn't. She couldn't have. I don't understand these results either. They must be rigged. There is no other explanation. We were winning just days ago."
Prime Minister Tupai Tapihana sighed. "That's a very serious charge. We can't accuse Arana or the MCP of rigging this election without evidence."
"But it would have been all too easy to fudge the numbers," Witika stubbornly insisted. "Only 22,843 votes put Arana on top. That's a small enough number to arrange."
"If we do manage to get this result overturned, the first thing we need to do is destroy the Greens and the Progressives." Huia Tahiwi, the First Lady, snapped. "If either of their candidates had just dropped out and endorsed Matōchmizalo as we asked, this election would have been sealed for us."
"That is definitely a plan for later," Matōchmizalo said grimly. "But for now, we need to figure out how to head this madness off." He turned to Hakiri Maurea, Milintica's Attorney General. "I need you to get with Wiremu and our legal team to figure out exactly how to play this with the Supreme Tribunal. Get the NDIP and the National Police on this too. If there is even a shred of proof that Arana rigged this, I want it found yesterday."
"Even if they don't find proof, just make some up!" Witika gesticulated wildly. Tapihana glared at the campaign manager, his brow furrowed. "I will not participate in any trickery like that!"
"Damnit, Tupai, now is not the time to play nice!" Tahiwi pointed her finger at Tapihana. "We cannot let Arana become President! She will destroy this country! Now is the time to do whatever it takes to keep her from ever sitting in this office! Put a bullet in her brain if we have to, even. But she cannot take power. She simply cannot."
Tapihana's face reddened as he stood up. "You are crossing a line, madam First Lady. Do you want to become what you hate most?"
"Sit down, Tupai. Please," Matōchmizalo said. Tapihana sat down after a moment of hesitation, still glaring at Witika and Tahiwi.
"We don't need to ponder such dramatic solutions...just yet, anyway. But we do need to keep Neina from taking power. She will destroy Milintica, truly. But we can prevent that." The President turned to the one person in the room who hadn't yet spoken.
Teuitzi, the Supreme General of the Peoples' Army, sighed. "You're not seriously asking me to launch a coup on your behalf, are you, sir?"
"It would not be a coup. Neina Arana is not President right now. I am." Matōchmizalo looked at Teuitzi expectantly. "You swore an oath to protect Milintica from any enemies, including domestic ones. Neina Arana is a domestic enemy of this state. Will you do your job?"
"It is not my job to overturn an election. Nor is it the role of the Peoples' Army to do so. Your order to do so, if given, would be an illegal order and I would be honor bound to refuse it," Teuitzi replied firmly.
"Then resign! Either that, or we discharge you and find someone who will!" Tahiwi glared daggers at the General, who returned the glare blandly. "If you believe any of the officers below me would go along with that, madam First Lady, or that the soldiers under their command would obey, you are welcome to try."
"Enough, enough," Matōchmizalo said wearily. "It would appear that the only option, then, is to rely on the case that we present to the Supreme Tribunal and hope that it succeeds. But either way, I am not stepping down. I am not handing the most powerful position in this country to Arana. If that means your soldiers end up having to come drag me out of this office in a month, General, so be it. But I hope you can live with that decision, and what it may mean to Milintica's future."
---
Tecpancalli Tonaltzintli
Chuaztlapoc, Huenya
September 3rd
President Xiadani steepled her fingers as she looked at her Cabinet. "This is obviously an unacceptable outcome. Options?"
Secretary of State Huitzilhuani went first. "Our election observers are still in Milintica, and trying to determine if Arana did actually win the election. But their electoral committee is refusing to cooperate with the observers. Their Chairman, Hauraki, has barred us from all PEC offices. The MCP is likewise refusing us access to their offices."
"I do believe I said that any hindering of our observers would merit a response," Xiadani said coolly. "Send a letter to the Electoral Committee and to the MCP headquarters as well. Inform them that the Huenyan Federation, which is still currently an ally of Milintica, requests cooperation in our observations. If that cooperation is not forthcoming, make sure they are aware that we reserve the right to investigate this election by any means necessary, whether or not they cooperate."
Xiadani turned to the Secretaries of Trade and Defense next. "Inform all relevant Milintican parties that any trade and defense cooperation between Milintica and Huenya is contingent on the Milintican state remaining in the UCS, and also contingent on existing agreements between our states being honored regardless of who is President or what party is running their country. If those expectations are not met, make sure they are fully aware that Huenya will no longer feel bound to fulfill our commitments to Milintica. Especially the commitment that we would defend Milintica if someone like, say, Calhualyana decides to make Milintica her summer home."
The President then turned to Huenya's High General. "I assume you are already formulating plans for a more...robust response should one be needed."
Texōccoatl grinned at her statement. "Oh, yeah. I would not put it past Arana, if she does take power, to take her anger at us for not supporting her out on any Huenyans who may be still in Milintica once the transition occurs. If she does go there, our soldiers will be ready to respond. It would probably be wise to update our current travel advisory to discourage travel to Milintica and encourage any Huenyan nationals there to come home," he added to Huitzilhuani, who nodded. Texōccoatl looked over at Trade Secretary Yaochtzin. "If Arana tries anything typically communist like seizing or nationalizing Huenyan assets or property in Milintica, we'll be ready to deal with that as well."
"We will need to have a chat with the Eirians before doing anything too forceful," Xiadani said after a moment. "If Milintica does leave the UCS, our two countries will be all that's left. We also really need to see if Manabí Rive wants to revive their bid for UCS membership, and to hell with the Empire if it bothers them." The President tapped her fingers on the arm of her chair. "I really don't want to have to become hostile towards the Milinticans. The descendants of Huenyans there are our kin, after all. And the Paora surely didn't ask for this either. But if Arana does manage to become president there....nothing is off the table."
---
Palace of Flowers
Tlālacuetztla, Xiomera
September 3rd
After the results of the Milintican elections were announced, Empress Calhualyana was having a leisurely meeting with her Prime Minister and the director of Imperial Intelligence in her favorite gardens. "Our operations to influence the Milintican elections appear to have succeeded beyond our wildest dreams," Director Telchiuhtli said. "I thought it would be tougher to get someone as unlikeable and nutty as Neina Arana elected. But the hardcore wing of the MPP was already primed to switch allegiances to the MCP once Matōchmizalo went with his reforms. Arana and her supporters proved very suggestible in the end."
"It is always pleasant to bring disruption and chaos to our enemies," the Empress replied as she sipped a glass of tepiātl. "Matōchmizalo won't concede. Arana will probably use force to get him out. The MPP and MCP will remain at each others' throats. And Arana is highly likely to continue to be suggestible, and blunder herself into a perfect casus belli for us to end the pesky annoyance that is Milintica once and for all. I so love useful idiots. Whether you're an intelligence agent or an Empress, they do make your job easier," Calhualyana mused, earning a laugh from Telchiuhtli.
"When Arana pulls the trigger over Chenalco, I think I'll build some nice condos on the beach in Huānoch once we take over," Prime Minister Toquihu grinned. "The Milinticans never figured out how to make their little islands turn a profit. A Xiomeran is the ideal person to show them how it's done."
"Let's not get ahead of ourselves," the Empress chided gently. "We need to make sure Arana gets installed as president first and that Matōchmizalo doesn't find some way to keep her from taking power. We also need to keep the temperature up between the MCP and MPP. Some deepfakes on social media about horrible things that the MPP and MCP are doing to each other's activists should keep the pot stirred nicely. Along with our ongoing 'helpful information' about the election being 'stolen', of course."
Telchiuhtli nodded, sipping his own glass. "Imperial Intelligence is more than capable of keeping things hot in Milintica. We'll even enjoy it."
The three of them clinked their glasses, enjoying the Xiomeran sun.
Capanetzin, the Huenyan ambassador to LIDUN, looked over the chamber with a determined expression on her face. "Good morning. As you may be aware, the Huenyan government has called for the Xiomeran Empire to be banned from international cultural and sporting events. Due to its continuing imperialism and unwillingness to accept the condemnation of the international community for its actions, we feel such a proposal is something that LIDUN should consider implementing."
The Huenyan ambassador pointedly refused to look at the Xiomeran delegation as she continued. "The Imperial regime has committed countless crimes that make it unworthy to stand aside other nations as if it has any legitimacy. They have practiced everything from political infiltration and manipulation to outright assault and land theft. They have spied upon and intimidated their own nationals overseas. They have kidnapped the citizens of other nations and subjected them to torture. They have assassinated Xiomeran dissidents on the soil of other nations. There are few nations that have not experienced some form of Imperial machinations. On every continent, the Imperial regime has gained footholds to practice further imperialism. No nation is safe from their actions. For all those reasons, the Imperial regime should, and indeed must be, shunned by free and democratic nations until they change their ways."
Capanetzin continued despite the death glares she was now receiving from the entire Xiomeran delegation. "While the XCP regime has proven resistant to any pressure applied thus far, we must continue to do whatever we can to force Xiomera into compliance with international law and the agreements they have previously made. For that reason, we request that our friends in this honorable assembly consider our request."
08-11-2024, 10:47 PM
Forum: International Affairs
- Replies (2)
New Riga, District 16
August 10, 2024, 9:54 PM
The soft pitter-patter of the rain nearly drowned out the sound of the woman in gray’s boots on the asphalt of the street. In this part of the Eirian port city, many of the shops had already closed down for the day, with just the occasional restaurant or convenience store still having their lights on. Not very many people were walking on the sidewalks, given the weather and the area’s distance from the nearest subway station. For some, that would make the street feel eerie or disconcerting. For others, these circumstances were perfect.
As the road began to slant downward towards the coastline, the woman ducked down an alleyway, counting the number of dirty doorways until she reached the one she sought. Pushing the door open slowly, she followed a cramped and dingy set of stairs down a couple flights before arriving at a significantly cleaner and more sturdy door. Some mild noises echoed from beyond the door, but the stairwell was still mostly silent.
Knock knock. The sound of her knuckles wrapping on the door reverberated through the stairwell. A grate on the door slid open, letting a neutral voice pass through. “Kēa eris?”
“A person who has words for the Lighthouse.”
After a few seconds, the door swung open, allowing the woman to pass through between a pair of armed guards. The basement of this dingy building had been transformed into a lively bar and casino, with finely-dressed patrons moving from table to table with a subtle grace. The woman in gray made her way over to the bar, where a bartender in a Prōtint-inspired mask moved down to take her order in a flash.
“Just a UpZert for me to start, thank you,” she said, examining the crowd behind her as the bartender opened a can and poured a purple soda into a glass.
“What color flag would you like?” The bartender asked, his mask not fully disguising his piercing gaze as he asked the seemingly innocuous question.
“Red, please.” In spite of the mask, the woman could feel the bartender raise his eyebrows at her reply. He did not make any comments, however, as he put a miniature red flag on a toothpick into her glass and went to attend to other patrons. The woman turned around, taking her own eye mask out from her pocket and putting it on. She held her drink further out in front of her, making sure it could be seen from all sides of the room.
It did not take long for a larger gentleman in a black suit to make his way to the bar, taking the open chair next to her. His mask was more simple than hers or the bartender’s, yet more ominous. “How may I help you?”
The woman gritted her teeth slightly, running her eyes up and down the man’s outfit to note the subtle decorations on his suit. “Where is the Lighthouse? I only do business with the Lighthouse or his two direct lieutenants, not contractors or family members. It makes things cleaner.”
The masked man grunted. “The Lighthouse has business elsewhere, and his lieutenants rarely waste time on customers who walk in without appointments. Now, shall we talk?”
“I’m sorry that I’m wasting your time, then.” The woman turned her body back to the bar, pointedly ignoring him. After what seemed like a minute, the man sighed and left, causing the woman to hold her breath a bit. Come on…
A few minutes passed before a taller woman in a similar suit and mask to the previous gentleman walked over to the bar, quickly making her way towards the woman in gray. “You didn’t have to be rude to my staff to get my attention, you know. You can just tell them that you have a personal delivery for me or the boss, and they’ll trust it.”
“Perhaps, but my way is more fun,” the seated woman replied with a slight smirk. “Besides, he should know me by now.”
“You underestimate how many guests pass through our doors, Lira. Plus, you do not come here for weeks or months at a time. I work with unpredictable informants quite often, but you are truly the most flighty of them all.” The tall woman adjusted the cufflinks on her suit, which were bronze and shaped like miniature lighthouses.”Why are you back, Lira?”
“Lira” took a sip of her drink. “The Ministry of Justice has taken quite an interest in the watchers again. I know for a fact that there are numerous undercover agents here, in Geminus, Serenity, and other areas. They’re posing as customers and informants, trying to take down entire clusters of Watchers. Warrants are already processing for three prominent Watchers and their associates in our city alone. A power vacuum is on the horizon, and if you are not careful, you and your boss will end up swept away in the chaos.”
“And you can help us avoid this fate, hm? I’ve heard rumors of agents poking around the financial side of the business, but nothing like what you describe. How do I know that you are not lying to me for a quick cash grab?”
Lira took out an envelope and placed it on the table, keeping it within her reach. “These are the personnel files of five of the government agents operating on this side of the city who would pose the most threat to you right now. I’ll give you this alone for twenty-five, but given my position, I can work on disrupting their investigation myself. For the right price, of course. I’ll let you talk to the Lighthouse about that payment.”
This reply evidently both intrigued and annoyed the taller woman, who looked at the envelope for a few moments before replying. “I understand that your price is final, as always?” After receiving a nod, she sighed. “Alright. I’ll be right back.”
The woman disappeared in the crowd for a couple minutes before returning, a silver key in her hand. “Show me them first.”
Lira opened the envelope, spreading the papers out so the Lighthouse’s lieutenant could get enough of a look to confirm that the deal was fair. Once she had done that, the taller woman dropped the key on the bar. “Safety deposit box two-eight-six, Renou Bank, Twelfth District. Wait two days before retrieving it.” The lieutenant also placed an old phone on the bar. “We will be in touch with further instructions.”
After the woman in gray watched the other woman walk towards the casino, she downed her drink, placed a Lunen note on the bar, and then made her way towards the exit. After all, she had work to do now. The government’s meddling may now have given her an extra job, but she would need to act quickly, lest she hop on board of a sinking ship.
And in the port city of New Riga, sinking ships were soon to be much more common…
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I hereby call the admission of Holokovoy into the League of IDU Nations to a vote. As is protocol, initial voting shall last 72 hours.