03-26-2021, 06:04 AM
President Liu spoke up from the lectern as the empress finished speaking. "Thank you, esteemed guests, for the points you have raised. My thoughts on the points you have all raised are as follows."
"Regarding the allocation of funding from the Canal, this question appears to boil down to both the Xiomeran Empire and the Huenyan Federation claiming sovereignty over the Canal. The Empress Calhualyana has claimed sovereignty given the Canal's construction under the Empire of Xiomera, while the tlatoani Huacue has asserted that the Canal was constructed by forced labor of non-Xiomeran ethnicities. Both of these statements are true. Given that the Canal will in future comprise the core of the Demilitarized Zone and the border between the two nations, it is essential that the Canal and its revenues must not be seen as favoring either side, so as to avoid compromising the Canal DMZ's all-important neutrality."
"Furthermore, decreasing the budget of the Canal Peacekeeping Force and the Joint Administration Commission will make their task of preserving stability and ensuring a safe, livable environment for the Canal's hundreds of thousands of residents much more difficult. With the vast amount of rebuilding that's necessary within the DMZ, it's essential that the people of the DMZ receive no less than the half of the Canal revenues that they are currently allocated. The qualified majority requirement involving the reallocation of Canal revenues intentionally gives both Xiomera and Huenya an effective veto over alterations to the revenue formula."
Liu checked her notes. "I would also like to thank Empress Calhualyana for noting the oversight in Article VIII. I will be sure to note that should the DMZ be abolished, the revenues of the Canal will be split equally between Huenya and Xiomera, as the CPF and JAC will no longer exist. Article XI, meanwhile, which establishes a mechanism for independence referendums in Manauia Island and the Netlcoātl Islands, is absolutely essential to ensuring that these territories are granted their right to self-determination and that this decision is respected by all parties. In my conversations with the delegates from those territories, they've made it absolutely clear that this process must be codified and carried out as described in this document, and I will defer to their judgement. Article XII, which lays out the roadmap for future states from either of these territories, and Article XIII, which is intended to prevent ethnic violence in these territories, must also remain unchanged. Given the sincerely-held issues that Huacue has raised, I think there will be no problem with striking the phrase "Greater Xiomeran Region," which was a term essentially coined for the purposes of this agreement, and replace it with "Greater Huenyan Region," a phrase which has strong historical and cultural significance."
"The Xiomeran delegation raises a good point about Article XV, in that the need for free movement and family reunification must also be met with the legitimate security concerns of both states. I will therefore instruct the drafters to add an exception for limitations on individual freedom of entry should an individual be believed to be an imminent security threat. Thanks also to the Kerlian delegation for its suggestion regarding prisoners of war who were captured by non-state actors. The relevant clause will be broadened to include those prisoners, and relevant language will be included to allow POWs to apply for asylum elsewhere should they prefer not to return directly to their nation of origin."
"Regarding the thorny issue of Xiomeran assets overseas, such as the factories in Kerlile established under the auspices of the Xiomeran-Kerlian International Trade Corporation. This is a difficult issue, and I will consult with my negotiating team and our experts on relevant international law to find a solution which is equitable and which reflects the desires and rights of those associated with these assets abroad."
Liu came to the next page of her notes. "We now move to the articles involving security issues and arms proliferation, which are obviously of the highest importance in preventing future conflict. Firstly, given that the delegations of both Huenya and Xiomera have made it clear that they will not accept the renunciation of the unilateral use of force, I will regretfully give instructions for this language to be struck from Article XVI."
"Regarding Article II, clause (b), regarding a 45-day suspension on imports of weapons, I am willing to strike this clause as the Huenyan delegation requested. In a similar vein, given the strenuous objections from the Xiomeran and Huenyan delegations, the provision in Article XVI renouncing the unilateral use of force can be stripped, even though it pains me to see it. I wholeheartedly believe that a renunciation of unilateral force can help provide both sides with the assurance that they can pursue policies to defuse tensions in the future, but given that the political space does not seem to permit that at the moment, it can be removed."
"However," Liu said, "regarding Article XIV, on securing weapons of mass destruction, it is my sincere belief that this article is absolutely essential to ensuring the long-term stability of the region. Both Huenya and Xiomera are now nuclear-armed powers, meaning that a conflict between the two of them is the single most-likely trigger of nuclear war. It would be an grave abdication of our responsibility, not only to the people of Xiomera and Huenya but to all of humanity, if we did not take measures to lower the risk of a nuclear holocaust on the Huanyan subcontinent."
"Obviously, it would be ideal if both sides could agree to comprehensively rid themselves of all stocks of nuclear, chemical, and other weapons of mass destruction, but they've made it clear that this idea is a non-starter. Instead, the best possible alternative is to avoid unilateral disarmament and adopt what measures we can to promote WMD safety and trust, and prevent the disarmament situation from worsening. Knowing the dangers that the nuclear situation there can present, clause (a) of Article XIV calls for both governments to take common-sense measures to decrease tensions, such as a pledge not to build up nuclear arsenals any larger and to take all necessary security measures to prevent the chance of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of terrorist actors. The second clause aims to build up an environment for trust and future negotiations between the two countries by reducing the doubt in each country's mind about the other country's intentions, as well as reducing nuclear proliferation in third countries-- which I'm sure all delegates can appreciate. In light of the immediate threat of nuclear war that the Xiomeran civil war has created, as well as the terrifying nuclear threat which a former Xiomeran emperor made only weeks ago, these clauses are absolutely essential for security and reassurance, both in the Huenyan region and the entire world."
With a nod to the assembled delegates, President Liu sat down, taking a sip of water to clear her parched throat.
"Regarding the allocation of funding from the Canal, this question appears to boil down to both the Xiomeran Empire and the Huenyan Federation claiming sovereignty over the Canal. The Empress Calhualyana has claimed sovereignty given the Canal's construction under the Empire of Xiomera, while the tlatoani Huacue has asserted that the Canal was constructed by forced labor of non-Xiomeran ethnicities. Both of these statements are true. Given that the Canal will in future comprise the core of the Demilitarized Zone and the border between the two nations, it is essential that the Canal and its revenues must not be seen as favoring either side, so as to avoid compromising the Canal DMZ's all-important neutrality."
"Furthermore, decreasing the budget of the Canal Peacekeeping Force and the Joint Administration Commission will make their task of preserving stability and ensuring a safe, livable environment for the Canal's hundreds of thousands of residents much more difficult. With the vast amount of rebuilding that's necessary within the DMZ, it's essential that the people of the DMZ receive no less than the half of the Canal revenues that they are currently allocated. The qualified majority requirement involving the reallocation of Canal revenues intentionally gives both Xiomera and Huenya an effective veto over alterations to the revenue formula."
Liu checked her notes. "I would also like to thank Empress Calhualyana for noting the oversight in Article VIII. I will be sure to note that should the DMZ be abolished, the revenues of the Canal will be split equally between Huenya and Xiomera, as the CPF and JAC will no longer exist. Article XI, meanwhile, which establishes a mechanism for independence referendums in Manauia Island and the Netlcoātl Islands, is absolutely essential to ensuring that these territories are granted their right to self-determination and that this decision is respected by all parties. In my conversations with the delegates from those territories, they've made it absolutely clear that this process must be codified and carried out as described in this document, and I will defer to their judgement. Article XII, which lays out the roadmap for future states from either of these territories, and Article XIII, which is intended to prevent ethnic violence in these territories, must also remain unchanged. Given the sincerely-held issues that Huacue has raised, I think there will be no problem with striking the phrase "Greater Xiomeran Region," which was a term essentially coined for the purposes of this agreement, and replace it with "Greater Huenyan Region," a phrase which has strong historical and cultural significance."
"The Xiomeran delegation raises a good point about Article XV, in that the need for free movement and family reunification must also be met with the legitimate security concerns of both states. I will therefore instruct the drafters to add an exception for limitations on individual freedom of entry should an individual be believed to be an imminent security threat. Thanks also to the Kerlian delegation for its suggestion regarding prisoners of war who were captured by non-state actors. The relevant clause will be broadened to include those prisoners, and relevant language will be included to allow POWs to apply for asylum elsewhere should they prefer not to return directly to their nation of origin."
"Regarding the thorny issue of Xiomeran assets overseas, such as the factories in Kerlile established under the auspices of the Xiomeran-Kerlian International Trade Corporation. This is a difficult issue, and I will consult with my negotiating team and our experts on relevant international law to find a solution which is equitable and which reflects the desires and rights of those associated with these assets abroad."
Liu came to the next page of her notes. "We now move to the articles involving security issues and arms proliferation, which are obviously of the highest importance in preventing future conflict. Firstly, given that the delegations of both Huenya and Xiomera have made it clear that they will not accept the renunciation of the unilateral use of force, I will regretfully give instructions for this language to be struck from Article XVI."
"Regarding Article II, clause (b), regarding a 45-day suspension on imports of weapons, I am willing to strike this clause as the Huenyan delegation requested. In a similar vein, given the strenuous objections from the Xiomeran and Huenyan delegations, the provision in Article XVI renouncing the unilateral use of force can be stripped, even though it pains me to see it. I wholeheartedly believe that a renunciation of unilateral force can help provide both sides with the assurance that they can pursue policies to defuse tensions in the future, but given that the political space does not seem to permit that at the moment, it can be removed."
"However," Liu said, "regarding Article XIV, on securing weapons of mass destruction, it is my sincere belief that this article is absolutely essential to ensuring the long-term stability of the region. Both Huenya and Xiomera are now nuclear-armed powers, meaning that a conflict between the two of them is the single most-likely trigger of nuclear war. It would be an grave abdication of our responsibility, not only to the people of Xiomera and Huenya but to all of humanity, if we did not take measures to lower the risk of a nuclear holocaust on the Huanyan subcontinent."
"Obviously, it would be ideal if both sides could agree to comprehensively rid themselves of all stocks of nuclear, chemical, and other weapons of mass destruction, but they've made it clear that this idea is a non-starter. Instead, the best possible alternative is to avoid unilateral disarmament and adopt what measures we can to promote WMD safety and trust, and prevent the disarmament situation from worsening. Knowing the dangers that the nuclear situation there can present, clause (a) of Article XIV calls for both governments to take common-sense measures to decrease tensions, such as a pledge not to build up nuclear arsenals any larger and to take all necessary security measures to prevent the chance of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of terrorist actors. The second clause aims to build up an environment for trust and future negotiations between the two countries by reducing the doubt in each country's mind about the other country's intentions, as well as reducing nuclear proliferation in third countries-- which I'm sure all delegates can appreciate. In light of the immediate threat of nuclear war that the Xiomeran civil war has created, as well as the terrifying nuclear threat which a former Xiomeran emperor made only weeks ago, these clauses are absolutely essential for security and reassurance, both in the Huenyan region and the entire world."
With a nod to the assembled delegates, President Liu sat down, taking a sip of water to clear her parched throat.