Bullets of Democracy: How the Eirian Green Party Lost its Pacifism
By Anija Ravanel, Senator (Green - Jurmala 9)

The history of the National Party of Greens in Eiria is not simple by any measure. Born from the dreams of leftist political philosophers and farm workers alike, the green movement began in the early twentieth century, after our nation endured both political chaos and an awful invasion by Xiomera. The early ideals of our party were lofty, but clear: to design a future where we do not rely on possessions to bring us joy, where we are able to sustain our natural environments and ourselves at the same time, and where a peaceful world is not just possible, but real. Today, the Greens are a large force in Eirian politics, but with a more environmental focus. The NPG is now far away from its peaceful origins. But why?

The early incarnations of the green movement only had the power to influence local governments and the Senates of a few provinces. Outside of the governing coalitions of Serenity and Murdarb Provinces, our movement was widely seen as the shouting of a few activists on the outside of “normal” politics. It did take a few decades, but the seeds sown by the early green politicians bore fruit during and after the Great War. The reality of the second Xiomeran invasion inspired many on the left to dream of a world without war. From that, for the first time, large numbers of local Green candidates had the opportunity to win in national Senate races. Thus, a national Green electoral group was born, titled (rather obviously) the National Party of Greens.

Through the late twentieth century, the NPG used their increasing presence to gain power, particularly with the confidence-and-supply agreements with Rišard in 1970, Mēnjon in 1978, and a spot in the Blajeviča Coalition from 1990-1994. Their pacifistic and environmentally-focused beliefs attracted Progressive and Social Democratic voters who had grown angry with post-war economic reconstruction efforts that involved the exploitation of Eiria’s natural resources. As such, without the Great War, the NPG likely would not have gained national power.

But it was yet another war that started the change in the party’s platform to what we see today. After the political chaos of the Rēvs administration allowed Darrin to take power, the NPG saw itself slowly being pushed out of politics and political spaces by the ruling regime. This caused many activists in the party, who saw the fist of oppression grasping the nation, to rethink their pacifism and join resistance groups. After the war, this resulted in a divide within the Green movement between the “Dark Greens” (those who now believed that some wars are necessary to protect democracy) and the “Light Greens” (who hated the concept of a necessary war).

While the Dark Greens held the large majority of the seats and political power within the NPG immediately after the war, the Light Greens still held onto a small amount of seats for a few elections (despite losing some of their candidates to defections to the Progressives and Socialists). The thing that truly killed the idea of Green Pacifism in Eiria was the Second Xiomeran Civil War. With the rest of the governing coalition jumping at the opportunity to bring democracy to part of the Huenyan subcontinent, the party leadership was quick to declare their support of the military intervention. This act isolated the few remaining pacifists in the party, who either retired (as in the case of Senator Aleksa Relan), defected to the Progressives, or ran under the name of a small local party (Such as non-inscrit Senator Kleman Saliā).

Regardless if you believe that war can be necessary to protect democracy or not, the National Party of Greens saw the very kind of wars that created it change its key values to fit a “new reality.” The party’s platform is now primarily about recreating the Eirian economy in a way that saves our world, which is in line with the original dream behind Green thought. But the idea of a peaceful world has left the minds of many, including our own Green Chancellor. I hope that, in the end, we are right about war being inevitable for peace. Otherwise, we will pay for those democratic bullets and every life they took.


Lōdesei dei Demokratēja: Kō lei Partij Velts dei Eiria Perdasva sal Mērtēcēta
Paur Anija Ravanel, Senatē (Veltē, Jurmala 9)

Lei vestu deile Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei danz Eiria nē es vienkar, nē svara lei merē. Piedzasva deiles revētasei deiles dōmēsei politikcasei dei krōš ut darbēsei dei fermētasei lei paš, lei kenēta velts kōmzasva dans lei sēek duvdenēaš, apre mas nācōn izturasva lei duvs dei hīos politikca ut un anvajacōn šausmi paur Šiōmera. Leis tecētasei akrij dei mas partij nanasaoj auks, bet klirs: Dēzīnat un nakōta kur nē karikam leis amētasei mōs det prēa, kur poivam sutenit mas venirōdesei dabanesei ut mus arvec lei paš mās, ut kur un pasa mērca nē es seul poivaca, bet rēl. Cis dier, leis Veltēsei arana un spek krad danz lei politikei de Eiria, bet konzentrana prablemei venirōdeca plu. Lei PNV es talu dei sal race mērtēca. Bet kāois?

Leis renkarnētasei akrijei deile kenēta velts seul amanasa lei poiv jatekmet parvalētasei lōkusei ut leis Senatei dei daše prōvinzei. Dehara deiles kōalicōnei ku parvalanasa deiles prōvinzei dei Serenety ut Murdarb, dauz dei persei tēcanasa ku mas kenēta nanasa daše aktēsei ku stendanasa dei dehara dei lei politik nōrmal. Nōkanasa daše denadsei, bet leis seklasei ku leis politikē veltsei akrijei danasa līka ut apre Lei Karšēta Krad. Lei situacōn rēl deile duvaš anvajacōn paur Šiōmera inespanasa dauz deile krōš revet un pasa nevec karšēta. Dei cas, kō un lēta naus, dauz krol dei kandēsei veltsei lōkusei amanasa lei espeja uzvat danz leis kandētasei paur Senat nācōnals. Dei cis, un grupa nācōnals dei veltēsei piedzasva, ut toi zauna (treis klirsma) lei Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei.

Vizā deile sēek duvdenēaš tār, lei PNV izasva sal endua danz lei politik ku paplašasvaoj tak poivana uzvat spek, partikalame avec leis apsōlētasei dei atbalit avec Rišard danz 1970, Mēnjon danz 1978, ut un endua danz lei Kōalicōn dei Blajeviča dei 1990 as 1994. Leis balēsei Devacasei ut Demokratēcasei Sōcialsei ku aranaoj faša an leis ešētasei dei renkarnat lei ekonomē apre lei karšēta ku incluasvaoj lei izmanēča deiles resursei dabanesei dei Eiria patanasa leis tēcētasei mērtēca dei NPV ku konzentranasa lei venirōde. Ut tak, neves Lei Karšēta Krad, lei PNV prōbema nē han usvasva spek nācōnals.

Bet cas kuj kōmzasva mānit leis tecētasei dei PNV as ku redam cis dier arana un zitu karšēta. Apre lei hīos politikca dei adminiztēta Rēvs atlaujasva Darrin reklet spek, lei rejem ku vadasva fōrzasva lei PNV dehara dei politik ut leis enduasei politikcasei. Cas kausasva dauz aktēsei dans lei partij, ku redanasa lei dure dei uprimēča turasvaoj lei nācōn, dōmat atkal dei seres mērtēcēta ut pevinat leis grupasei dei resistēča. Apre lei karšēta, cas kreasva un divisōn danz lei kenēta veltca antra leis “veltēsei zōmbei” (kē nag tēcana ku nejam daše karšētasei proteget demokratēja) ut leis “veltēsei lieklei” (kē ienisana lei dōmēta ku nejam karšēta).

Pendar leis veltēsei zōmbei amanasa lei magōrte deiles rakstamsei ut deile piov politikca danza deile PNV imedima apre lei karšēta, leis veltēsei lieklei joprō turanasa daše maz dei rakstamsei pōr daše elērēčasei (Serre depit perdanasa kandēsei ku defektanasa at leis Devacēsei ut Demokratēsei Sōcialei). Tal ku tuasva lei ideja dei mērtēcēta velts danz Eira nasva lei Duvaš Karšēta Civikca dei Šiōmera. Arvec tut dei auts danz lei kōalicōn ku parvalasva kenasva atrijma kā lei espeja atnet as dalja dei lei sukōntinen Nōrduenjaca, leis vadēsei dei partij anoncanasa atrijma seres atbalēta deile intervenēča militārca. Cis aktēta ēasva talu dei leis mērtēcēsei ku palikanasa danz lei partij, kē vaja partanasa dei politik (kō danz lei endua dei Senatē Aleksa Relan), defektanasa at leis Devacēsei, vī kandanasa arvec lei noms dei un partij maz lōku ((kō danz lei endua dei Senatē Kleman Saliā).

Nē svara sē tēcis ku nejam karšēta pōr proteget demokratēja vī nen, lei Partij Nācōnals dei Veltēsei redasva ku lei paš karšēta ku toi kreasva mānasva sal tecētasei lielasei pōr iderat un “rēlēta naus.” Lei base dei partij nag konzentra renkarnat lei ēkonomē dei Eiria danz pōr sōvet mas pasa, ku idera lei revēta veks vaša dōmētasei veltēsasei. Bet lei ideja dei un pasa mērtēca partasva leis galvasei dei dauz persei, inclua mas Čanceliōr velts. Eserem ku, paur lei jason, aram justi tēcet ku tujes sana nejam karšēta pōr mēr. Sē nē, sana maksam pōr casei lōdesei demokratējaca ut kate dvivēta ku jasonanasa.

Act I: Setting the Stage

Peoples' Electoral Commission headquarters
Huānoch, Milintica
September 2nd

Wera Hauraki, Chairman of the Peoples' Electoral Committee, smiled to himself as the cameras shut off. He had just made the announcement to the nation that Neina Arana had won the Milintican presidential elections.

The camera crew from Milintican Peoples' Broadcasting soon finished taking down their equipment and left the Chairman's office, leaving Hauraki alone with his thoughts. The Chairman paused for a moment, then took a small badge from his pocket. He looked at its surface, the lights of his office making the badge shine brightly. The golden star with the rifle, sword and farm tool inlaid into it, surrounded by ruby red, had been his cap badge from his time, decades ago, in the Peoples' Army. It had been the symbol on the Milintican flag for over 90 years, before President Matōchmizalo had changed the national flag and symbols.

Hauraki rather liked the old symbols better.

He smiled once more, before returning the badge to his pocket.

---

Haven House
Huānoch, Milintica
September 2nd

President Matōchmizalo slammed his fist onto his office desk. More than one person in the room flinched at the sound. "How did this happen?" The President shook his head angrily. "Just a few weeks ago, we had a ten point lead in the polls. None of this makes sense. Someone explain to me how Neina-fucking-Arana just won this election!"

Wiremu Witika, the President's campaign manager, grimaced. "She didn't. She couldn't have. I don't understand these results either. They must be rigged. There is no other explanation. We were winning just days ago."

Prime Minister Tupai Tapihana sighed. "That's a very serious charge. We can't accuse Arana or the MCP of rigging this election without evidence."

"But it would have been all too easy to fudge the numbers," Witika stubbornly insisted. "Only 22,843 votes put Arana on top. That's a small enough number to arrange."

"If we do manage to get this result overturned, the first thing we need to do is destroy the Greens and the Progressives." Huia Tahiwi, the First Lady, snapped. "If either of their candidates had just dropped out and endorsed Matōchmizalo as we asked, this election would have been sealed for us."

"That is definitely a plan for later," Matōchmizalo said grimly. "But for now, we need to figure out how to head this madness off." He turned to Hakiri Maurea, Milintica's Attorney General. "I need you to get with Wiremu and our legal team to figure out exactly how to play this with the Supreme Tribunal. Get the NDIP and the National Police on this too. If there is even a shred of proof that Arana rigged this, I want it found yesterday."

"Even if they don't find proof, just make some up!" Witika gesticulated wildly. Tapihana glared at the campaign manager, his brow furrowed. "I will not participate in any trickery like that!"

"Damnit, Tupai, now is not the time to play nice!" Tahiwi pointed her finger at Tapihana. "We cannot let Arana become President! She will destroy this country! Now is the time to do whatever it takes to keep her from ever sitting in this office! Put a bullet in her brain if we have to, even. But she cannot take power. She simply cannot."

Tapihana's face reddened as he stood up. "You are crossing a line, madam First Lady. Do you want to become what you hate most?"

"Sit down, Tupai. Please,"  Matōchmizalo said. Tapihana sat down after a moment of hesitation, still glaring at Witika and Tahiwi.

"We don't need to ponder such dramatic solutions...just yet, anyway. But we do need to keep Neina from taking power. She will destroy Milintica, truly. But we can prevent that." The President turned to the one person in the room who hadn't yet spoken.

Teuitzi, the Supreme General of the Peoples' Army, sighed. "You're not seriously asking me to launch a coup on your behalf, are you, sir?"

"It would not be a coup. Neina Arana is not President right now. I am." Matōchmizalo looked at Teuitzi expectantly. "You swore an oath to protect Milintica from any enemies, including domestic ones. Neina Arana is a domestic enemy of this state. Will you do your job?"

"It is not my job to overturn an election. Nor is it the role of the Peoples' Army to do so. Your order to do so, if given, would be an illegal order and I would be honor bound to refuse it," Teuitzi replied firmly.

"Then resign! Either that, or we discharge you and find someone who will!" Tahiwi glared daggers at the General, who returned the glare blandly. "If you believe any of the officers below me would go along with that, madam First Lady, or that the soldiers under their command would obey, you are welcome to try."

"Enough, enough," Matōchmizalo said wearily. "It would appear that the only option, then, is to rely on the case that we present to the Supreme Tribunal and hope that it succeeds. But either way, I am not stepping down. I am not handing the most powerful position in this country to Arana. If that means your soldiers end up having to come drag me out of this office in a month, General, so be it. But I hope you can live with that decision, and what it may mean to Milintica's future."

---

Tecpancalli Tonaltzintli
Chuaztlapoc, Huenya
September 3rd

President Xiadani steepled her fingers as she looked at her Cabinet. "This is obviously an unacceptable outcome. Options?"

Secretary of State Huitzilhuani went first. "Our election observers are still in Milintica, and trying to determine if Arana did actually win the election. But their electoral committee is refusing to cooperate with the observers. Their Chairman, Hauraki, has barred us from all PEC offices. The MCP is likewise refusing us access to their offices."

"I do believe I said that any hindering of our observers would merit a response," Xiadani said coolly. "Send a letter to the Electoral Committee and to the MCP headquarters as well. Inform them that the Huenyan Federation, which is still currently an ally of Milintica, requests cooperation in our observations. If that cooperation is not forthcoming, make sure they are aware that we reserve the right to investigate this election by any means necessary, whether or not they cooperate."

Xiadani turned to the Secretaries of Trade and Defense next. "Inform all relevant Milintican parties that any trade and defense cooperation between Milintica and Huenya is contingent on the Milintican state remaining in the UCS, and also contingent on existing agreements between our states being honored regardless of who is President or what party is running their country. If those expectations are not met, make sure they are fully aware that Huenya will no longer feel bound to fulfill our commitments to Milintica. Especially the commitment that we would defend Milintica if someone like, say, Calhualyana decides to make Milintica her summer home."

The President then turned to Huenya's High General. "I assume you are already formulating plans for a more...robust response should one be needed."

Texōccoatl grinned at her statement. "Oh, yeah. I would not put it past Arana, if she does take power, to take her anger at us for not supporting her out on any Huenyans who may be still in Milintica once the transition occurs. If she does go there, our soldiers will be ready to respond. It would probably be wise to update our current travel advisory to discourage travel to Milintica and encourage any Huenyan nationals there to come home," he added to Huitzilhuani, who nodded. Texōccoatl looked over at Trade Secretary Yaochtzin. "If Arana tries anything typically communist like seizing or nationalizing Huenyan assets or property in Milintica, we'll be ready to deal with that as well."

"We will need to have a chat with the Eirians before doing anything too forceful," Xiadani said after a moment. "If Milintica does leave the UCS, our two countries will be all that's left. We also really need to see if Manabí Rive wants to revive their bid for UCS membership, and to hell with the Empire if it bothers them." The President tapped her fingers on the arm of her chair. "I really don't want to have to become hostile towards the Milinticans. The descendants of Huenyans there are our kin, after all. And the Paora surely didn't ask for this either. But if Arana does manage to become president there....nothing is off the table."

---

Palace of Flowers
Tlālacuetztla, Xiomera
September 3rd

After the results of the Milintican elections were announced, Empress Calhualyana was having a leisurely meeting with her Prime Minister and the director of Imperial Intelligence in her favorite gardens. "Our operations to influence the Milintican elections appear to have succeeded beyond our wildest dreams," Director Telchiuhtli said. "I thought it would be tougher to get someone as unlikeable and nutty as Neina Arana elected. But the hardcore wing of the MPP was already primed to switch allegiances to the MCP once Matōchmizalo went with his reforms. Arana and her supporters proved very suggestible in the end."

"It is always pleasant to bring disruption and chaos to our enemies," the Empress replied as she sipped a glass of tepiātl. "Matōchmizalo won't concede. Arana will probably use force to get him out. The MPP and MCP will remain at each others' throats. And Arana is highly likely to continue to be suggestible, and blunder herself into a perfect casus belli for us to end the pesky annoyance that is Milintica once and for all. I so love useful idiots. Whether you're an intelligence agent or an Empress, they do make your job easier," Calhualyana mused, earning a laugh from Telchiuhtli.

"When Arana pulls the trigger over Chenalco, I think I'll build some nice condos on the beach in Huānoch once we take over," Prime Minister Toquihu grinned. "The Milinticans never figured out how to make their little islands turn a profit. A Xiomeran is the ideal person to show them how it's done."

"Let's not get ahead of ourselves," the Empress chided gently. "We need to make sure Arana gets installed as president first and that Matōchmizalo doesn't find some way to keep her from taking power. We also need to keep the temperature up between the MCP and MPP. Some deepfakes on social media about horrible things that the MPP and MCP are doing to each other's activists should keep the pot stirred nicely. Along with our ongoing 'helpful information' about the election being 'stolen', of course."

Telchiuhtli nodded, sipping his own glass. "Imperial Intelligence is more than capable of keeping things hot in Milintica. We'll even enjoy it."

The three of them clinked their glasses, enjoying the Xiomeran sun.

Capanetzin, the Huenyan ambassador to LIDUN, looked over the chamber with a determined expression on her face. "Good morning. As you may be aware, the Huenyan government has called for the Xiomeran Empire to be banned from international cultural and sporting events. Due to its continuing imperialism and unwillingness to accept the condemnation of the international community for its actions, we feel such a proposal is something that LIDUN should consider implementing."

The Huenyan ambassador pointedly refused to look at the Xiomeran delegation as she continued. "The Imperial regime has committed countless crimes that make it unworthy to stand aside other nations as if it has any legitimacy. They have practiced everything from political infiltration and manipulation to outright assault and land theft. They have spied upon and intimidated their own nationals overseas. They have kidnapped the citizens of other nations and subjected them to torture. They have assassinated Xiomeran dissidents on the soil of other nations. There are few nations that have not experienced some form of Imperial machinations. On every continent, the Imperial regime has gained footholds to practice further imperialism. No nation is safe from their actions. For all those reasons, the Imperial regime should, and indeed must be, shunned by free and democratic nations until they change their ways."

Capanetzin continued despite the death glares she was now receiving from the entire Xiomeran delegation. "While the XCP regime has proven resistant to any pressure applied thus far, we must continue to do whatever we can to force Xiomera into compliance with international law and the agreements they have previously made. For that reason, we request that our friends in this honorable assembly consider our request."

New Riga, District 16
August 10, 2024, 9:54 PM

The soft pitter-patter of the rain nearly drowned out the sound of the woman in gray’s boots on the asphalt of the street. In this part of the Eirian port city, many of the shops had already closed down for the day, with just the occasional restaurant or convenience store still having their lights on. Not very many people were walking on the sidewalks, given the weather and the area’s distance from the nearest subway station. For some, that would make the street feel eerie or disconcerting. For others, these circumstances were perfect.

As the road began to slant downward towards the coastline, the woman ducked down an alleyway, counting the number of dirty doorways until she reached the one she sought. Pushing the door open slowly, she followed a cramped and dingy set of stairs down a couple flights before arriving at a significantly cleaner and more sturdy door. Some mild noises echoed from beyond the door, but the stairwell was still mostly silent.

Knock knock. The sound of her knuckles wrapping on the door reverberated through the stairwell. A grate on the door slid open, letting a neutral voice pass through. “Kēa eris?”

“A person who has words for the Lighthouse.”

After a few seconds, the door swung open, allowing the woman to pass through between a pair of armed guards. The basement of this dingy building had been transformed into a lively bar and casino, with finely-dressed patrons moving from table to table with a subtle grace. The woman in gray made her way over to the bar, where a bartender in a Prōtint-inspired mask moved down to take her order in a flash.

“Just a UpZert for me to start, thank you,” she said, examining the crowd behind her as the bartender opened a can and poured a purple soda into a glass.

“What color flag would you like?” The bartender asked, his mask not fully disguising his piercing gaze as he asked the seemingly innocuous question.

“Red, please.” In spite of the mask, the woman could feel the bartender raise his eyebrows at her reply. He did not make any comments, however, as he put a miniature red flag on a toothpick into her glass and went to attend to other patrons. The woman turned around, taking her own eye mask out from her pocket and putting it on. She held her drink further out in front of her, making sure it could be seen from all sides of the room.

It did not take long for a larger gentleman in a black suit to make his way to the bar, taking the open chair next to her. His mask was more simple than hers or the bartender’s, yet more ominous. “How may I help you?”

The woman gritted her teeth slightly, running her eyes up and down the man’s outfit to note the subtle decorations on his suit. “Where is the Lighthouse? I only do business with the Lighthouse or his two direct lieutenants, not contractors or family members. It makes things cleaner.”

The masked man grunted. “The Lighthouse has business elsewhere, and his lieutenants rarely waste time on customers who walk in without appointments. Now, shall we talk?”

“I’m sorry that I’m wasting your time, then.” The woman turned her body back to the bar, pointedly ignoring him. After what seemed like a minute, the man sighed and left, causing the woman to hold her breath a bit. Come on…

A few minutes passed before a taller woman in a similar suit and mask to the previous gentleman walked over to the bar, quickly making her way towards the woman in gray. “You didn’t have to be rude to my staff to get my attention, you know. You can just tell them that you have a personal delivery for me or the boss, and they’ll trust it.”

“Perhaps, but my way is more fun,” the seated woman replied with a slight smirk. “Besides, he should know me by now.”

“You underestimate how many guests pass through our doors, Lira. Plus, you do not come here for weeks or months at a time. I work with unpredictable informants quite often, but you are truly the most flighty of them all.” The tall woman adjusted the cufflinks on her suit, which were bronze and shaped like miniature lighthouses.”Why are you back, Lira?”

“Lira” took a sip of her drink. “The Ministry of Justice has taken quite an interest in the watchers again. I know for a fact that there are numerous undercover agents here, in Geminus, Serenity, and other areas. They’re posing as customers and informants, trying to take down entire clusters of Watchers. Warrants are already processing for three prominent Watchers and their associates in our city alone. A power vacuum is on the horizon, and if you are not careful, you and your boss will end up swept away in the chaos.”

“And you can help us avoid this fate, hm? I’ve heard rumors of agents poking around the financial side of the business, but nothing like what you describe. How do I know that you are not lying to me for a quick cash grab?”

Lira took out an envelope and placed it on the table, keeping it within her reach. “These are the personnel files of five of the government agents operating on this side of the city who would pose the most threat to you right now. I’ll give you this alone for twenty-five, but given my position, I can work on disrupting their investigation myself. For the right price, of course. I’ll let you talk to the Lighthouse about that payment.”

This reply evidently both intrigued and annoyed the taller woman, who looked at the envelope for a few moments before replying. “I understand that your price is final, as always?” After receiving a nod, she sighed. “Alright. I’ll be right back.”

The woman disappeared in the crowd for a couple minutes before returning, a silver key in her hand. “Show me them first.”

Lira opened the envelope, spreading the papers out so the Lighthouse’s lieutenant could get enough of a look to confirm that the deal was fair. Once she had done that, the taller woman dropped the key on the bar. “Safety deposit box two-eight-six, Renou Bank, Twelfth District. Wait two days before retrieving it.” The lieutenant also placed an old phone on the bar. “We will be in touch with further instructions.”

After the woman in gray watched the other woman walk towards the casino, she downed her drink, placed a Lunen note on the bar, and then made her way towards the exit. After all, she had work to do now. The government’s meddling may now have given her an extra job, but she would need to act quickly, lest she hop on board of a sinking ship.

And in the port city of New Riga, sinking ships were soon to be much more common…

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I hereby call the admission of Holokovoy into the League of IDU Nations to a vote. As is protocol, initial voting shall last 72 hours.

University students from around the IDU are invited to compete in the first iteration of the IDU Universiade held in TBD (vote on Discord)!   As mentioned on the Discord, this is designed to be a preview event for many of the new Olympic events and formulas currently in development.  The following form (note: make sure you have the current version, it should include a 4x100m relay and other new aquatics events) can be copied and used for submissions: https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1...sp=sharing

The form works in the standard Olympiad format: coefficients should sum to 0 and the overall standard deviation should be less than 33.  Those should be automatically calculated for you.  New to this event is the "major puppet designation" which for nations with two or more puppet submissions will allow one of them to have a reduced puppet penalty.  Please list the following information when you submit:

Country Name:
Puppet? (Y/N):
If yes, major puppet? (Y/N): 
Trigram:
Link to form (be sure to change permissions!):

Submissions will be open until June 16, 2024.

A motorbike came to a stop along the hard red dirt, in the dit was an overly elaborate concrete sign that said “Communauté Rurale of Diawara” in faded letters. That’s how Elizabeth Mbaye Beronas knew this was the place. She didn’t call herself that especially in this place, instead, she had told everyone including the motorbike rental company her name was Mbaye. Her study of French in college had been put to the test, as Koldan’s seemed to put in entirely new words to the language. So far she assumed the locals she had met had seen her as a well-educated daughter of a mega pastor or government minister, used to speaking only formal French. However, she was neither, in fact, she had never set foot in Kolda or anyone in Neria since her birth.

The Bernonas were nice people, good peace peace-loving Catholics who were the envy of every priest and highway billboard. Unable to have children of their own, the Bernonas were convinced by their congregation to utilize an adaptation agency called World Family Connection. Across the ocean in Kolda, a young Mbaye was selected from an orphanage and brought by WFC to the care of the Bernonas in suburban Newton, South Princeton. The Bernonas then named Mbaye, Elizabeth after her new adoptive grandmother. From the start, Elizabeth’s parents were very open about who she was. When she asked why she looked different from her parent they took her to meet with an employee of World Family Connection who explained in terms a child could understand. In middle school, she joined a group at her Church called “World Culture Hour” This was a group of fellow adoptees that had also been adopted through WFC. The group aged from newborns to teenagers and was led by the head prest’s wife, who asked everyone to call her Miss Mary. Mary helped the group who often dealt with confusion and faced bullying in school. To Elizabeth, Miss Mary was a trusted adult who could always be relied on. The court called it international smuggling and human trafficking although in Elizabeth’s case, the real perpetrators were the Koldan government who in the 90s and 2000s took the children of poor rural mothers in exchange for money. Elizabeth also received around $70,000 in a settlement with WFC, with both Miss Mary and her husband being removed from the congregation in their attempts to cover up the organization’s wrongdoings.

Now, Mbaye was home or at least she hoped she was. After the 2011 Coup, Ministry of Health records became available including one that listed “Mbaye Ada Diallo” as being under the care of the World Family Connection of Guiedawaye orphanage during 1997. From there, Mbaye began calling the names of related records spending hours in high school searching Koldan government websites. Mbaye even switched from Slokasian to French as her secondary language class to help her read the websites. It took her many more years but finally, she found a document that listed her being a hospital patient in the small town of Diawara. Mbaye then spent the rest of her settlement money to quit her job in tech and book a flight to Kolda.

Diawara didn't look like much of anything, scattered brick and stone houses with several animals running around. A small church towered over the town, however just by the entrance to the town was a boulangerie called Prison Mart. Although the name suggested low quality, the interior was relatively clean. In fact, Mbaye assumed the name came from the fact this was a colonial prison. Each cell was now a different department, meat’s, bread, and even a cheap cellphone store. Mbaye didn’t have a plan for how exactly she would find her family, just a name, and a will to finally discover her true family.

General Xiuhhuani Defense Center, Tlālacuetztla

It began with a meeting of some of Xiomera's most militaristic minds.

The subject was one that had been keeping them awake at night: the future of the Empire.

"It is clear that we have reached an inflection point," Xiyāōtl told his audience. The Fleet Admiral of the Imperial Navy (and leader of the General Staff, not to mention the husband of the Empress), waved his hand. "Our soldiers, sailors and airmen are among the best and bravest in the world. Our technology is the equal of anyone we may face on the battlefield. Our resources and our industry give us a commanding position among the nations of the world. But we must realize something - none of that matters. None of that is enough. As things stand now, Xiomera will never build the new Empire that our people deserve and that we have promised them. The odds against us are simply too steep."

Xiyāōtl's audience murmured in discomfort and disbelief, and even a little anger. It was practically a matter of faith for these men and women that Xiomera was a superior nation and people, and that the Empire could bat aside any foe that would deny it its destiny. Hearing one of Xiomera's top military men puncture that belief was a painful blow.

"I can see that this is not what you want to hear," Xiyāōtl said. "But we must face painful realities, or we will never overcome them. Yes, we are powerful. But so are other nations. Our opponents in the world also have brave and capable soldiers. They also have technology, and resources. And when they band together, as they are with increasing frequency, they also have numbers. Numbers sufficient to overwhelm us. For the new Empire we desire to rise, we must begin thinking in a much bigger way. We must move beyond our existing conceptions and self-imposed limitations. We must explore whatever avenue we must, and do whatever it takes, to overcome the advantages that the numerous rabble we face present against us."

"And how, exactly, do you propose to do that?" Tenoch, the Marshal of the Imperial Army, raised his eyebrow. "What more can we do than what we are already doing?"

Xiyāōtl smiled. "We can embrace our longstanding tradition as a leader of innovation and advancement, and turn that to its proper and rightful place as the force that advances our Empire forward. We can also learn from our history, though. Marshal Aztacael, how are Shorn Ones created?"

Aztacael, the Marshal of the Special Forces, shrugged. "They train their warriors from childhood, and they adopt particularly promising orphan children as well. But why do you bring up those traitors who fled to Huenya?"

Xiyāōtl's smile grew sharper and wider. "Because we never should have stopped doing that once the Shorn Ones turned tail and ran from us. Why aren't we doing that with our own Special Forces?" As those in the room murmured once more, Xiyāōtl continued. "Let me bring up another example, this time from Kerlile. Their Aurora program created warriors that put fear in the hearts of just about every leader in this world. And that was from a small, poor country. Imagine what Xiomera could do, with our wealth and our technology, if we put it to such a use."

Chuanacoyo, the Minister of Defense, sighed. "The Auroras proved to be, shall we say, unreliable at best. And the Shorn Ones all abandoned us. These do not seem promising foundations for whatever you are proposing."

Xiyāōtl shook his head. "That is a narrow vision, built on fear and the failures of others. Think bigger! We can begin raising promising children from the families of our Warriors of Tezcatlipōca and Warriors of Huītzilōpōchtli, shaping and molding them as future warriors just as the Shorn Ones do. But we can do even more. We can ensure the proper pairing of parents to ensure that desirable genetic, physical and mental traits are passed on to these future warriors. We can ensure from their cradle their unswerving and unwavering loyalty to our Empire. At the same time, we can make improvements to the special forces we already have."

"Improvements? What do you mean?" Aztacael asked.

"Biological improvements. Chemical and pharmaceutical improvements. Cybernetics. AI! There are so many avenues that we can pursue to create truly superior warriors."  Xiyāōtl's eyes shone with the fervor of a true believer. "We just have to be willing to seize those opportunities. We can begin by taking volunteers who are willing to undergo enhancements from the ranks of our special forces, and expand from there."

"And who will lead such an effort?" Aztacael asked.

"The person who presented this idea to me,"  Xiyāōtl replied. "Dr. Ezmina with the Advanced Research Division of the Ministry of Science. She is convinced that a comprehensive program of enhancing our warriors is the only way to give us the edge we need to surpass our enemies once and for all. I agree with her."

"We're not the only ones you need to convince," Huelixiuh spoke up. The Marshal of the Air Force shook his head. "The Empress, as we all know, was never a fan of the Auroras. What makes you think she will embrace a much bigger and broader program? Beyond the fact that you're her husband, that is."

Xiyāōtl laughed. "Because what other choice do we have? Our enemies outnumber us and are determined to halt the rise of our new Empire. They are prepared to do much to stop us. We must be prepared to do more than they will ever dare or dream to - literally anything, if it comes to that. My wife the Empress knows that we must be prepared to sacrifice anything and everything to achieve that dream - she was the architect of that dream! She knows what it will require, what it will cost us. In the end, she will see the wisdom of this plan. But this is where all of you come in. I need you in my corner, to support this plan and encourage her to accept it. I firmly believe that the future of this Empire, and the future of our people, depend on it."

Aztacael sighed after a moment. "For the Empire to continue and to grow, all of us must be prepared to do whatever we must. I will back your plan."

One by one, the rest of the General Staff and the Minister of Defense echoed Aztacael. They were committed to a risky course of action. They would seek to convince Calhualyana to adopt a plan that would go against everything the Empress believed in about the basic form and existence of humanity. But as Xiyāōtl had said, they didn't see any other choice for the Xiomeran Empire. Either it would seek to break the bounds of what defined a warrior, or it would stagnate and die at the hands of a multitude of enemies and rivals.

The day after the resolution to abolish the Inner Council passed, Lauchenoiria's LIDUN Ambassador, Rosalinda Hernandez tabled a topic for discussion by the Security Council. The Lauchenoirians had been eyeing the situation with concern for months now, and Prime Minister Alvarez was well aware that the situation could escalate if it was not tackled sooner rather than later.

"Good morning everyone, I'd like to open this discussion on the situation in the Eikan DMZ between Eïkangärd and Whetosonghnee. As you likely know, the Eïkan government has been issuing a number of threats towards the Whetosonghneans for months now; most recently threatening to annex part of the country. We in Lauchenoiria feel that LIDUN would be neglecting our duty to ignore this situation; and therefore I wish to open this discussion to the floor."